Interview with the production designer of the puppet theater, the creator of theatrical projects for young children "Theater on the Palm" and "The First Theater"

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Yuri Ustyugov plastic theater director, theater and film actor. Olga Ustyugova puppet theater production designer. Creators theater projects for young children "Theater on the palm of your hand" and "The First Theater".

We talked to Olga after the performance "Chocolate", which took place in the parks "Fili" in the open air. The last satisfied spectators dispersed, drunk plenty of hot chocolate, Yuri was busy dismantling the scenery. And we sat comfortably on the soft sofas of the summer cinema and, to the still sounding African motifs (music for the play “Chocolate”), we talked about the theater for the little ones.

— How was the First Theater project born??

“For a long time we wanted to make performances for the little ones ourselves, but we didn’t know where to start. A few years ago, we were invited as directors to the Moscow Puppet Theater on Baumanskaya, where we came up with "Theater on the Palm" - these are four seasonal mini-performances for children from 1 year old. And when we implemented the project, we understood how this complicated mechanism works - a theater for the smallest spectators.

- How do you take into account the peculiarities of the psychological, physiological, emotional development of the child when you create a performance for children from 10 months old? Do you consult with specialists - psychologists, neurologists?

- Oh sure. But we ourselves have some experience in this matter. Yura is a director and works with artists, I worked with autistic people, and children under 3 years old are somewhat similar to both. In addition, we are the parents of two daughters.

- Are you absolutely sure that a child needs a theater a year?

- In Russia, a certain school of visiting the children's theater has been developed. Traditionally, parents start taking their children to the theater from about 3 years old, and most productions, respectively, are designed for this age. But it always seemed to us that everything could be arranged somehow differently - to shift the age limits. This is not an easy task. After all, with children under the age of 3 years, there are practically no feedback. A child of one and a half years old will never tell his parents: “Oh, cool, I developed on this performance! They are such good fellows, everything is so cleverly thought up. If the child is not interested, he will get up and leave. And so we are always very excited to make performances for children of this age. You never know what you'll get back. After all, all children under 3 years old are very unusual. They are like a whole planet.

But I still think it's more about parental need"to go out" with your one-year-old child, than about the interests of the baby himself.

- What's the difference how it happens? Mothers and often fathers of children under 3 years of age lead a very active lifestyle. They have the time, desire and financial ability to spend leisure time with their children. Why can't they make a theater for them? We love the parents of our little viewers very much. They are beautiful. And for the most part, they are very attentive to their child. They get a real thrill just from the fact that they just watch how their child reacts. And when we see that something in our performances delights a child, then this is happiness. On a subconscious level, even for such babies, everything fits - I'm sure of it. We have a play "The First Snow". Stars are lit up there. The actor takes the star and swallows it, nothing much happens. Focus. According to the plot, I ask: “Why did you do this, you will get sick star fever? He lights a flashlight in his pocket and it looks like it has lit up in his stomach. "Oh, I'm sick," he replies. And then: “Oh, recovered!” Many mothers told me that after the performance their children look for stars in the sky, try to swallow them and then look under the jacket. And all this is about children who still do not know how to speak.

- It’s clear with the lower age limit, but what about the upper one?

- All our performances, except for "Chocolate" are baby performances, that is, performances that necessarily have an upper age limit. We carefully monitor the age of our young viewers and we do not recommend our performances for children over 4 years old. Why? Because children after 4 years old are already quite socialized, they have a certain life experience, they quickly understand how everything is arranged inside the performance and unconsciously begin to destroy this fabric. Children aged about 4 to 7-8 years old are all terrible skeptics. “These are not stars, these are light bulbs. This is your remote control, I know, give it to me!” - approximately such reaction always. And our one-year-olds watch the performance in a completely different rhythm.

After all, we work for children who are just beginning to explore the world, who have no experience yet. There is an example that I came up with myself and love it very much. You go into your room, and you have two buckets of snow on your bed. How will the adult react? And how a one and a half year old baby will behave, for whom, of course, it will be insanely fun, unlike an adult who cannot find anything but a problem in this. And in our performances, in each of our actions, in each plot invented by us, we try to find the grain in which something new and interesting is hidden.

—What other features of the development of kids do you take into account when creating a performance?

We almost never turn off the lights. The dark hall is categorically not suitable for children of this age. We also know about loud noises that often frighten babies in enclosed spaces. All the sound and light we have is controlled manually, and if we come across shy children at the performance, then we simply make the sound quieter and add light.

- I faced the following problem when I came to baby performances with my younger son: it was very difficult to take him out of the game room - the waiting area, which is almost everywhere. He just couldn't switch.

Yes, we are aware of this issue. Our audience is specific. Parents are either late or, on the contrary, come too early. We make a play area specifically so that children can get used to each other. But we don’t give toys there, it’s just a waiting area. The maximum that can be there is sheets of paper and pencils. And when we play in baby clubs, we ask them to take away almost everything from the game rooms - a soft pool, slides, etc.

By the way, at the end of this theatrical season, we released the play "Baby" at the Puppet Theater. Obraztsova, and there we did what we had long wanted: a waiting room specially for this performance. What is in this room is related to what will be in the play. We played 5 performances, and there was no case that the child returned there during the performance. Unfortunately, we do not yet have the financial ability to make the playing space unique every time. But it's great when a child gradually begins to immerse himself in everything. He softly falls from the game into the theater. After all, a child can develop only through play. Only by playing, he can comprehend any information. He must touch, smell and taste everything.

- Please tell us more about this performance.

— "Baby" was made on the so-called third stage of the theater - this is a chamber and very cozy space. Puppet show. We acted only as directors and came up with a funny story about evolution. Spectators watch how fish, birds, the likeness of dinosaurs, fabulous animals appear out of nothing. All dolls are made in front of the kids from some modules. Gradually, a small baby appears - a man. He grows stronger, grows and sets off on a great voyage - a great life. The kid himself detaches from mom and dad and swims away. A child is a puppet controlled by artists and there is a feeling that there are always two adults next to him. It turns out that we tell children about themselves.

— All your performances are interactive. Children can be at some points inside the performance. But I sometimes came across at other baby performances with the fact that, even if it is tiny, but theatrical performance ceases to be it and turns into an animation program. What do you think, where is the line between theater and animation?

- Everyone, probably, decides this question for himself. We know these children and we know that they cannot be tied. Some of the children who come to our performances are hyperactive. There's nothing you can do about it. There are moments when everything is like in a real theater: children sit on numbered cushions and watch intently. And there are moments when they are inside the performance. The fourth wall, it seems to me, harms the theater in general. Our children are involved in the performance and it turns out that we are building this performance together. It happens that a child runs out onto the playground and I think that now he will demolish everything, and then something suddenly happens, he freezes and finds himself on our wave. Although up to this point it was, for example, impossible for anyone to focus his attention. And this is a small miracle. And we call it theater because what other theater can there be for such small children? Animation is something else, it's just entertainment. And we have a theater: we philosophize, compose myths.

- You always come up with themes and plots for your performances yourself, you do not use ready-made material. Why?

- Yes, we build the plots ourselves and have never used ready-made dramaturgy. Or rather, once we still took The Nutcracker as the basis, but we “fixed” it a lot! We took it rather as an excuse. In my opinion, the ready-made dramaturgical material that now exists is not suitable for children under three years old. Dramaturgy should be conflict-free. I communicate a lot with the mothers of our kids: both in person and on the Internet. And most of them do not read, for example, Russians folk tales to my children. Now there are many modern books. And if you are attentive to your child, then I don’t understand how it is possible for him to read “Fox with a rolling pin”? It's a thriller.

- You never take fairy-tale characters!?

- Yes, we never take Koloboks, none at all fairy tale characters, no Santa Clauses. I know how Santa Claus, for example, can scare children. In our performances there may be animals - a hermit crab or a squirrel - but they will always be life-size and in no case will they talk. They act like real animals. And the animals never speak. This is the principle of naturalness. It seems to us that a certain naturalness in such a theater is very good. And I don't understand when the wolf is in his pants and talking. Firstly, I myself stopped loving it in the children's theater. And secondly, I do not understand why this is needed at all. All these koloboks, turnips, in my opinion, are fairy tales for the house. This is how a mother plays with her child. After all, it is very easy to play such fairy tales with the help of toys. And therefore, I believe that even if this culture remains at home, it is not necessary to pull it out onto the stage. "Teremok", other simple fairy tales - they are interesting in home performance. Why show it on stage? On the stage, you can show completely different things. We have, for example, the play "Water", where we talk about ships. It's about a dream. About big ships and about those that can be made from galoshes.

- A galosh is an image. Why are images used in performances for children under 3 years old? After all, figurative thinking in a child begins to develop just after 3 years. How can a child in a year realize that a galosh is a ship?

He doesn't need to understand it. His mother understands this. Children take everything at face value. For them, this is a game. The child knows and wants to play. And he will play this galosh with a sail. Children generally love to play with non-toy objects. What are the coolest toys? These are, of course, ladles, saucepans, lids ... Well, and of course, galoshes - magic item with which our viewers part with difficulty. In addition, we believe that ready-made toys are not very useful for children. Finished toys can only be played in a certain way. And from galoshes you can make a ship, a house, a doll, a plate (one hundred options). It develops creativity.

By the way, about animation. For us, this word is abusive. Despite the fact that we have the maximum involvement of the audience, our artists are not animators, they are magicians. We try not to use ready-made solutions, we are looking for unique words and actions. All our activities come down to the fact that we ourselves must firmly believe that the galosh is a ship. And when we ourselves begin to believe in it, others begin to believe. Both children and parents. In our favorite play "Water", as I said, we build ships. But at some point, when everything is ready and the ships are ready to go on more voyages, we do not have the most important thing - water. It comes out suddenly. How to start the ship? And we look around our full hall with our eyes, where there are about 15 adults together with the children and ask: “Well, didn’t you take water with you?” And I suddenly see confusion in the faces of parents, they suddenly realize that they did something wrong. I just started acting in my own plays two years ago. I have never been able to say anything from the stage that would startle adults. But I see how these very grown-up people believe in all this; in all this fuss with pebbles, water, galoshes ... And at some point they seriously think that the performance may fail because they did not take water with them.

- Now at the performance "Chocolate" all the audience tried incredibly delicious hot chocolate, and even had the opportunity to draw on it. How did this idea even come about?

— We got acquainted with “chocolate” people. The girl and her mother came to the play "Water". And after the performance, my mother says to me: “You came up with such a cool idea with water, maybe you want to do something about chocolate? I'm just into chocolate." It turned out that this is their business, they sell equipment for making hot chocolate. They have very good quality. They, in fact, we treat all the audience before the performance and draw with them.

- Tickets for your performances and performances of other groups that are engaged in baby theater are not cheap. I have seen more than once how parents were forced to leave the performance after 2-3 minutes after it began because of the behavior of the child. In their eyes, both resentment and disappointment were read ...

- Yes, indeed, the viewer pays a lot of money. And if, for example, a child, for some objective reasons, did not manage to watch the performance the first time - he went out, got scared, or just burst into tears on the way to the theater and did not want to go into the hall - then we always take this into account and invite parents to come already free next time. And during the performance, we pay attention to each child. We have as many props as there are spectators.

- Tell us about the most valuable reaction for you from a child or an adult, which was at your performances.

— Our activity is communication with the viewer. Therefore, when we understand that we have found the right word, gesture, object and the viewer breathes with us in the same rhythm, we are happy. We have completed the task . We are especially proud when we were able to "bribe" those who did not particularly believe in us. There are skeptical parents, and there are children. It's a miracle that a child at some point freezes and begins to sympathize with what is happening. And since we talk about all sorts of bright things - about the seas, ships, winter, birds - our fans are also our friends and associates. After each performance, we say: "Thank you very much for taking part in our performance." And we are really grateful to everyone for emotional mobility, for love, for creativity.

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Ustyugova Olga Alexandrovna Trade in the south of the Far East of Russia in the second half of the 19th century: dissertation ... candidate of historical sciences: 07.00.02 .- Vladivostok, 2002.- 228 p.: ill. RSL OD, 61 03-7/504-0

Introduction

CHAPTER I General terms development of trade in the south of the Far East of Russia in the second half of the XIX century 30

1.1. Settlement of the Amur Region and Primorye 30

1.2. Development of agriculture, industry and transport 37

1.3. Legal basis and administrative regulation of trade relations 65

CHAPTER II. Structure and dynamics of trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century 79

2.1. Features of the process of formation of trade in the region. Formation of the local market 79

2.2. The formation of the sectoral structure of trade 111

2.3. Dynamics of the number and composition of entrepreneurs-traders 169

Conclusion 196

Applications 1-14 201

List of sources used and

Literature 2

Development of agriculture, industry and transport

Thus, pre-revolutionary historiography did not leave a scientifically developed concept of the history of the region as a whole and the development of trade relations in it in particular, however, the vast factual material accumulated by it has not lost its significance.

A new period in the study of the history of economic relations in the Far East began after 1917. The construction of socialism in the Soviet Far East required extensive knowledge about the economic situation of the region, therefore, in the 20-30s. XX centuries Numerous literature on economics appeared, which was of a reference nature and contained certain information about the pre-revolutionary development of the region, including trade. In several major works, Russia's foreign policy in the region was covered - for example, in the monograph by B.A. Romanov considered the policy of the Russian Empire in Manchuria19. Economic policy tsarist Russia studied in a broader context - in the light of imperialist contradictions in the Far East20. However, the factual material, on the basis of which the authors analyzed the Far Eastern trade, mainly refers to the beginning of the 20th century, i.e. is outside the scope of this dissertation.

In the center of the country, the study of the socio-economic history of the USSR began in the 1940s. The result of the systematic work of researchers was the publication of two monographs published in 1950 by P.I. Lyashchenko21 analyzed the history of the Russian economy from the standpoint of the Leninist concept of the development of capitalism in breadth, noting that in the outskirts capital developed in the same direction as in the center of the country, but at an accelerated pace. The author paid the main attention to the development of industry and agriculture, and he only mentions Far Eastern trade in the section devoted to the national economy of Siberia. P.A. Khromov in his work also considers the main issues of the economic development of Russia in the 19th century. on the example of its European part. Thus, due to the fact that in the early 1950s. the economic history of Russia during the period of capitalism was just beginning to be developed, the history of the Russian Far East was not actually the subject of study for researchers in the center of the country.

In the 1960s the study of the economic history of Russia, including its internal trade, was continued, however, regional specifics still remained outside the sphere of interest of the researchers of the center. In the monograph by S.G. Strumilin, which is a general outline of the economic history of Russia, the development of trade was considered in the most general form, and G.A. Dikhtyar in his book highlighted the state of trade in pre-revolutionary Russia, focusing on the analysis of the development of the domestic market for consumer goods in late XIX- early XX centuries24

Also, the attention of Moscow historians was attracted both by the history of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region as a whole, and by Russia's relations with individual states. In the fundamental work of A.L. Narochnitsky not only reflects Russia's foreign policy towards China, Korea and Japan, mainly determined by the weakness of the former on the Far Eastern borders, but also provides digital data on trade, describes ways and means of its implementation25.

Studying Russian-Japanese relations until 1875, E. Ya Fainberg came to the conclusion that the policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of Japan was largely determined by the desire of the Russian government to strengthen Russian-Japanese trade in order to establish food supplies for the local population and promote economic development Amur region. Russian-American relations of the period 1861-1865. the publication of M.M. Malkin. The author stated the weakness of trade relations between the USA and Russia, but ignored the trade of the Russian Far East with the USA27.

In the 1970s the study of the economic history of the Far East in the center of the country was continued in line with two previously established directions 11, i.e. studied mainly the history of international relations, including trade and domestic trade. In 1973, the capital collective work of a generalizing nature, "International Relations in the Far East", was published in his first book, dedicated to the period from the 17th century. to 1917, Russia's Far Eastern policy received a comprehensive analysis: its main directions were considered, the specifics of Russian policy in the Far East and its economic prerequisites were determined. In more detail foreign policy Russia in the Far East in the 1850s-60s. 19th century considers R.V. Makarov.

M.I. Sladkovsky studied in detail the history of trade between the peoples of Russia and China, covering almost all of its aspects (from legislative regulation to the volume of trade and the activities of merchants), but he paid less attention to trade in Primorye and the Amur region than in Kyakhta. Russian-English contacts in the field of economics in the 50-60s. 19th century chose as the subject of his research JI.C. Semyonov, but he watched the trade of England only with the European part of Russia. The problem of Russia's trade with Korea B.D. Pak analyzed in the context of Russian-Korean relations in general, paying quite a lot of attention to the consideration of trade agreements and trade turnovers. During this period, the study of Russia's internal trade was also carried out, but only in relation to its European territory and partly Siberia. In his study on the grain trade, T.M. Kitanina noted that in the second half of the XIX century. distant outskirts were just beginning to be drawn into the all-Russian grain exchange.

Legal basis and administrative regulation of trade relations

Sakhalin coal mines on September 19, 1875, on the basis of a contract with the Ministry of Internal Affairs, were leased for 24 years to court adviser Butkovsky, and on November 1, 1875 they were finally sold to him80. Soon these mines were transferred to the Sakhalin society based on the capital of St. Petersburg industrialists. However, the last coal mining did not cover the needs of the Siberian flotilla: firstly, for lack of necessary equipment developments were carried out incorrectly, which led to a decrease in the quality of coal; secondly, according to the contract, they continued to partially use the labor of convicts. In addition, the Sakhalin Society did not receive much support from the local administration81.

In the 1880-90s. and the beginning of the 900s, in addition to the already known Due and Sortunai, coal reserves were discovered in Mgachi on Sakhalin. On June 24, 1892, on the basis of the latter, the "Partnership of I.O. Makovsky and Co." for coal mining was organizationally formalized. This company developed its own Mgachinsky and Duysky coal mines leased from the treasury. Prior to this, the Duya mines were developed by the Sakhalin company, whose coal was expensive due to the high costs of delivery, as well as the incompetence of its management. In 1895, an agreement was concluded according to which the coal mined by the "Sakhalin" company was placed at the disposal of the "Partnership of I.O. Makovsky and Co., which sold it on domestic and foreign markets.

In 1899, the prohibition of foreign cabotage in the Far Eastern waters followed, which, in the absence of Russian cargo ships, since neither the ships of the Volunteer Fleet nor the steamers of the Chinese Eastern Railway transported coal cargoes, put the coal industry of the region in a critical situation84.

In the early 90s. 19th century deposits of coal were found by the Vladivostok merchant M. Fedorov at the mouth of the river. Suifong. In 1892, trial coal mining began in the Suchansky basin (in the South Ussuriysk district), where there was coal suitable for steamships. However, its operation was hampered by the lack of good communications. So, for example, in 1892, for the transportation of already sold coal from the mine to the village of Vladimirovka, from where the coal was rafted along the river. Suchan to the hall. Nakhodka (that is, for a distance of no more than 30 versts) could not find a sufficient number of drivers, although the payment was quite high85. It was not possible to establish industrial exploitation of the Suchansky basin by the efforts of private individuals. Only in 1900, when the deposit was transferred to state development, its industrial exploitation began. At the same time, the growing demand for coal stimulated private initiative: in 1895, engineer Gorlov began mining coal near Vladivostok, and in 1900, five coal mines were already operating in the Ussuri Territory, not counting Suchan86.

The timber industry served the construction of cities, ports, military fortifications, and also satisfied the needs of steamship companies and shipowners. The logging was done by peasants, Cossacks and philistines. In 1873 on the river. Suifun, near the village. Razdolnoye, the first steam sawmill was built. In 1874, near Vladivostok, there was a sawmill of retired lieutenant M.K. Fedorov, on which up to 50 thousand boards of 50 kopecks each were harvested under a contract to the port of Vladivostok. per piece 88, and in 1876 it was made for the sale of various timber materials worth up to about 20 thousand rubles. During the period of construction of the railways (Ussuriysk and CER), there was a rise in the timber industry, many entrepreneurs received lucrative state orders. So, for example, in 1896 the company "Semenov and Dembi" signed a contract for the supply of sleepers for the CER91. Numerous sawmills began to spring up along the roads. The timber industry gradually developed. By the end of the XIX century. in the Amur region there were 11 sawmills, and in the Primorsky region - almost 3 times more. In 1899 there were 5 steam sawmills alone.

Attempts to establish large forest enterprises oriented to the markets of Japan, Korea and China, due to the lack of high-tech woodworking production, ended for the Far Eastern entrepreneurs Yu.I. Briner and M.K. Fedorov is unsuccessful.

A number of favorable factors contributed to the active development of fishing in the region: the abundance and sufficient diversity of fish resources, the presence of such a unique natural phenomenon as the seasonal movement of salmon fish into rivers for spawning, which made it possible to catch fish at minimal cost. By the end of the XIX century. in the south of the Far East of Russia, two fishing regions were formed: the South Sakhalin and the Lower Amur.

The first area of ​​intensive development of capitalist fishing was the southern coast of Sakhalin. Mostly Japanese fishermen operated here. There were fewer Russians, and from the mid-1880s. the largest domestic enterprise was the firm "Semenov and K". The main fishery items were herring, from which tuk (fertilizer for rice fields) was made, and salmon fish (chum and pink salmon), which were salted 9 . Dried herring caviar and fish oil were produced in small quantities. Domestic industrialists did not have a loan, significant capital and sea transport, so they agreed to the proposals of Japanese fishing companies to rent fishing plots in their name and lease them to the Japanese95.

The formation of the sectoral structure of trade

The governor's reports contain information on the number of trade establishments in the South Ussuriysk district for 1891-1894. (without cities). According to these data provided by the owners and trustees, the total number of shops and stores increased from 124 to 261 in four years, i.e. twice: in 1891, Russians owned 23 trading establishments (18.5% of the total), foreigners of European origin - 1 (0.8%), Chinese -57 (46%), and in 1894 42 ( 16%), 2 (0.7%) and 105 (40%) respectively111. The number of establishments selling alcohol was also significant: in three years it increased from 43 (34.7%) to 112 (43%) . According to these data, in the first half of the 1890s. there was a general increase in the number of trading establishments, regardless of their national and industry affiliation, most of the outlets belonged to the Chinese, and the smaller part belonged to foreigners of European origin. In percentage terms, the share of vodka establishments increased, while the share of all the rest decreased, however, it must be taken into account that the nationality of vodka shops has not been determined.

Data systematized by T.Z. Poznyak, provide material for the analysis of the ratio of Russian and foreign trade establishments in the Amur region (see Appendix 2). In Blagoveshchensk, foreign influence was weak, it was mainly Siberian merchants who "ruled" here: in 1866, only one of six stores was owned by foreigners, in 1878 - 3 out of 11, and in 1882 - 3 out of 15. In 1882, foreigners owned only two shops out of 78. In Nikolaevsk, most of the shops were owned by foreigners, and the shops were owned by Russians: in 1866, the first owned 8 shops out of 11 and 15 shops out of 57, and 30 years later, respectively, 6 out of 11 and 13 out of 28. Vladivostok in the early 1870s. There were more Russian stores and shops than foreign ones, but in the 1880s and 90s. in trade, there was an increase in foreign influence: in 1883 there were already twice as many foreign shops as Russians, and 12 times more shops, in 1896 foreigners owned 68% of city shops and 82% of shops. Probably most of the shops belonged to the Chinese.

So, trading enterprises in the cities were mainly represented by shops and drinking establishments, in most of which they traded both products and manufactured goods. The maintenance of stores required significant funds, so their number was small, and they belonged mainly to wholesalers who delivered goods to the region, and therefore also owned warehouses. Both shops and shops were not large, often located in the owners' houses. In Vladivostok and Nikolaevsk, half of the offices and warehouses and most of the shops were owned by Europeans and Americans, while in Blagoveshchensk the shops were owned mainly by Russians113. Trade in the Vladivostok bazaar, as well as small retail trade in the region, was mainly in the hands of the Chinese114.

By its nature, stationary trade can be both specialized and mixed115. The difficult conditions for the development of the distant outskirts, as well as the influence of old merchant monopolies, contributed to the establishment of universal forms of trade,116 store owners tried to provide "as much as possible, within their means, a range of goods" that were sold in the region. The outskirts were isolated from foreign markets by internal lack of roads, the high cost of freight and insurance, which caused large overhead costs for the delivery and sale of goods. There were practically no credit institutions, there was no trade in bills in the region, as a result of which merchants were forced to write out and buy the goods they needed for cash and pay a large percentage to commission agents. It was necessary to purchase goods in large quantities, which required significant investments, which, however, could not pay off in short term. Most of the entrepreneurs who delivered goods in large quantities did not consider it necessary to limit themselves to any one type of goods, since everything could find a market here. Such circumstances prevented specialization in any one branch of trade, rather, on the contrary, they encouraged mixed trade from warehouses, which concentrated a variety of goods, requiring, accordingly, the most diverse methods of storage, purchase, delivery and even marketing.

Since it was practically impossible to write out goods in such a way that they would all go on sale (the remaining surplus was sold at a reduced price), wholesale trade could not exist without retail. With a small population, it was unprofitable to open wholesale warehouses in shops, since they would have to have a little bit of everything, which means they would turn into shops118.

Initially, specialized trade was carried out by large entrepreneurs, whose activities were related to local agricultural and industrial production. First of all, this applies to the trade in bread, alcoholic beverages and meat1. However, they did not create specialized stores and shops. The only exceptions were alcoholic drinks: alcohol was sold in almost all shops and stores, but most of the alcohol was sold by the M. Pyankov and Brothers trading house, which owned its own distillery, as well as wholesale warehouses. Merchants V. Lukin (Blagoveshchensk), A.N. Makarov, K. Zhelkovsky (Vladivostok), A. Tarusin (Nikolsk), etc.

However, by the end of the XIX century. trade began to acquire an increasingly specialized character: there was a clearer division into shops that specialized in the sale of one type of goods, and universal ones. The former progressed due to the development of local production, the creation of branches by Russian and foreign firms, and the expansion of the consumer market. The latter were owned by large firms that had the opportunity to purchase goods in large quantities and sell them in their outlets.

Dynamics of the number and composition of entrepreneurs-traders

Under the St. Petersburg Treaty (1881), the Chinese government reduced duties on lower grades of tea, most of which were transported through Kyakhta, which made it possible to reduce the difference between sea (Guangzhou - Odessa) and land (Kyakhta - Moscow) freight from 38 to 14.5 cop. from a pound. By the highest opinion of the State Council approved on January 15, 1885, the duty on long leaf tea brought across the European border was determined at a rate of 31 rubles. 50 kop. from a pood, and through Kyakhta - 19 rubles. 50 kop. (November 7, 1887) in such a way that the difference in duty covered the costs of overland delivery of long leaf tea to Moscow. These measures allowed the tea purchased in Kyakhta to compete successfully throughout the Asian territory of Russia with tea shipped by sea through Odessa. Sea trade between European Russia and China was sharply scarce for Russia, even the use of a cheaper sea route did not change the state of Russian-Chinese trade. Part of the tea was sent to Odessa via London, as the freight through London to St. Petersburg sometimes fell below the freight of the Voluntary Fleet to Odessa. As the cost of transportation along the Amur became cheaper, the amount of tea transported from Nikolaevsk to Irkutsk increased. Shipping in the Amur region made some progress, but was still supported by government subsidies. For all Russian teas shipped from Hankou, Jiujiang and Fuzhou to Tianjin, Nikolaevsk and Vladivostok, British shipping companies and insurance companies were paid freight in the amount of 50L, more than 300 thousand rubles. in year. The beginning of the transportation of tea along the Amur contributed to the development of the shipping company, and the population of the Trans-Baikal region acquired a significant income from the cartage of tea from Sretensk to Irkutsk. Although the delivery of tea to Irkutsk along the Amur was cheaper, most of it still arrived in Siberia via Kyakhta, since sometimes transport by river took 12 to 16 months due to the shallow waters of the Shilka and the often repeated floods on the Amur.

The volume of tea imported into Russia gradually increased. The annual export of tea by Russia on average for 1881-1890. reached 1890 thousand pounds.381 In 1881, the export of tea through Kyakhta amounted to 755200 pounds. (81%), through Odessa -104350 pounds. (12%), through Nikolaevsk - 63073 pounds. (6.5%) and through Vladivostok - 5375 pounds. (0.5%), and in 1889, respectively - 712425 pounds. (66%), 274690 pounds. (25%), 76425 pounds. (7%) and 11700 pounds. (1%)382. Thus, Kyakhta excelled in the export of tea from China, followed by Odessa and Nikolaevsk with Vladivostok, but there was a tendency to reduce the import of tea through Kyakhta and increase - through Odessa and the Far Eastern ports. Only long leaf tea was brought through Odessa, and mainly black and green brick teas were brought through Kyakhta, Nikolaevsk and Vladivostok. Black brick tea, the most convenient for long-term storage and the cheapest, was distributed throughout Siberia and the Far East. Therefore, it accounted for 85% of all tea exported from Hankou. Tiled tea was practically not in demand in Russia. In the last twenty years of the XIX century. most European countries began to switch to the use of Indian tea383. The British actively introduced technical innovations into production, so Indian tea was cheaper, and its lower grades were superior in quality to the corresponding Chinese grades. Not surprisingly, China was particularly interested in the Russian market with its stable demand for tea.

In the 90s. 19th century the ratio of the volumes of tea transportation along the three main routes was maintained. On average, over 5 years (1892-1896), 835 thousand pounds of long leaf tea was brought from China along the European border, 548 thousand pounds along the Asian border, and 947 thousand pounds of tiled and brick tea only along the Asian border. In 1898, out of the total amount of tea imported into Russia (2,995,000 poods), 1,003,000 poods passed through the European border. (33%), and through the Asian - 1992 thousand pounds. (67%), including through Nikolaevsk and Vladivostok - 459965 pounds. (15%)385.

Traditionally, tea trade was carried out by Moscow and Far Eastern companies. The tea trade associations of V. Vysotsky, V. Klimushin, the brothers K. and S. Popov, the sons of Pyotr Botkin and others were located in Moscow. "," Kokovin and Basov "and others.

Late 1890s was marked by certain changes in the tea trade. The uprising of the Yihetuan (1899-1901), which broke out in the territory of Northern China, led to a decrease in the turnover of the Kyakhta trade. Most of the tea began to be delivered to the European regions of the country by sea through Nikolaevsk along the Amur and Shilka rivers to Sretensk, where customs operations were carried out and smuggling was delayed. In addition, the Trans-Baikal Railway began to be used to transport goods from Sretensk to Baikal. Thus, the Amur River became a continuation of a continuous transit route to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. As a result, tea exports through Kyakhta began to decline, and through the Far Eastern ports - to increase. So, in 1899, out of all the tea imported into Russia (2901 thousand pounds), 984 thousand pounds passed through the European border, 1917 thousand pounds through the Asian border, including 1733 thousand pounds through Kyakhta, and through the Primorsky region - 5 thousand pounds, and in 1900 from 3492 thousand pounds. respectively - 1191 thousand pounds, 2301 thousand pounds, 1406 thousand pounds. and 714 thousand pounds.

Academic degree: Candidate of Historical Sciences
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contact number : (423) 222-03-37
Dissertation topic: "Trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century"
Protection date: 2002
Sphere of scientific interests: the history of trade in the Russian Far East (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries)
short biography:
Born in Vladivostok. Graduated from the Faculty of History of the Far Eastern State University. In 1998–2001 studied at the postgraduate course at the Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East, Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Has been working at the Institute since 1997.

List of scientific papers

1. Ustyugova O.A. Exploration of deposits and extraction of salt in the Far East of Russia (1860–1917) // Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region. 2019. No. 1. pp. 172–184.
2. Ustyugova O.A. Salt in the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries: trade or supply? // Ecumene. Regional studies. 2018. No. 2 (45). pp. 66–75.
3. Ustyugova O.A. Influence of the excise policy of the Provisional Amur Government (1921–1922) on the development of the fishing industry in Primorye // Proceedings of the Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Vladivostok: IIAE FEB RAS, 2018. Vol. 19. Domestic history. Russian Far East during the Civil War and intervention (1918–1922). pp. 78–88.
4. Ustyugova O.A. "To stand guard over the common needs of industry and trade": the activities of the Vladivostok Stock Exchange Committee during the revolutions of 1917 // The Great Russian Revolution of 1917 in the fate of countries and peoples of the world. Sat. scientific Art. Vladivostok: IIAE FEB RAN, 2018, pp. 214–224.
5. Ustyugova O.A. "Rules of overland trade between Russia and China" in 1881 and the export of salt to China: the policy of the Russian authorities" // Ninth Grodekov Readings. Materials of the interregional scientific-practical conference dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the start of the Civil War in Russia. Khabarovsk: Khabarovsk Regional Museum. N.I. Grodekova, 2018, vol. 1, pp. 180–184.
6. Ustyugova O.A. The Far East of Russia in the system of foreign trade relations on the eve and during the revolutions of 1917 // Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region. 2017. №3. pp. 25–35.
7. Ustyugova O.A. From the history of professional commercial education in the Far East of Russia: the trade school of the assembly of clerks in Vladivostok // Educational potential of Pacific Russia. XVIII–XXI centuries (Eighth Krushanov Readings, 2016). Vladivostok: Dal'nauka, 2017, pp. 132–138.
8. Ustyugova O.A. Merkulov Spiridon Dionisevich // Russia in 1917: Encyclopedia. M.: Political Encyclopedia, 2017. S. 555–556.
9. Ustyugova O.A. Chinese merchants and their activities in the Russian Far East in the perception of contemporaries (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries) // Dialogue of cultures of Pacific Russia: interethnic, intergroup, interpersonal communications: coll. scientific articles. Vladivostok: IIAE FEB RAN, 2017, pp. 109–114.
10. Ustyugova O.A. Chinese in the cities of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century: practices and methods of conducting trade (according to the memoirs of contemporaries) // Countries of the West and East: problems of formation and modernization of political, economic and cultural forms of development: collection of articles. scientific tr. intl. scientific-practical. Conf., Republic of Bashkortostan, Sterlitamak, November 14, 2016. Sterlitamak: Sterlitamak Branch of BashGU, 2016, pp. 208–209.
11. Ustyugova O.A. On the issue of supplying the Cossacks with salt in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // Cossacks of the Far East of Russia in the XVII - XXI centuries: To the 165th anniversary of the Transbaikal Cossack army: Sat. scientific Art. Issue. 5 / Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Peoples of the Far East FEB RAS; Khabarovsk Regional Museum. N.I. Grodekov. Khabarovsk, 2016, pp. 116–124.
12. Ustyugova O.A. Trade relations of Verkhneudinsk with the cities of the Russian Far East (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries) // Ulan-Ude - 350 years: history, space, society: coll. scientific Art. Irkutsk: Publishing House "Ottisk", 2016. S. 278–280.
13. Ustyugova O.A. Smuggling trade in alcoholic beverages in the Far East of Russia on the eve and during the First World War // Far East of Russia and countries East Asia on the eve and during the First World War: Sat. scientific Art. Vladivostok: Reya Publishing House, 2016, pp. 202–208.
14. Ustyugova O.A. The development of domestic trade in the south of the Russian Far East on the eve of the First World War // Looking into the past: World wars of the twentieth century in the history of the Russian Far East. Vladivostok: FEB RAN, 2015, pp. 88–98.
15. Ustyugova O.A. The development of trade in the Far East of Russia in the early twentieth century. // Eighth Grodek Readings. Materials of the international scientific and practical conference dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War. Khabarovsk: Khabarovsk Regional Museum. N.I. Grodekova, 2015. T. I. S. 57–62.
16. Ustyugova O.A. The development of trade among the Cossacks of the Far East of Russia in the late XIX - early XX centuries. // Ecumene. Regional Studies: Scientific and Theoretical Journal. Vladivostok, 2015, No. 2, pp. 52–59.
17. Ustyugova O.A. Contemporaries about trade in the cities of the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. // Far Eastern city in the context of the development of Pacific Russia: Sat. scientific Art. Vladivostok: Reya LLC, 2014, pp. 298–306.
18. Ustyugova O.A. On the issue of providing the Cossacks of the south of the Far East of Russia with bread in the second half of the 19th century. // Cossacks of the Far East of Russia in the XVII-XXI centuries: Sat. scientific Art. Issue. 4. Khabarovsk: Khabarovsk Regional Museum named after N.I. Grodekova, 2014, pp. 68–73
19. Ustyugova O.A. Tea trade in Kyakhta (XVIII - the first half of the XIX century) // "Pacific Russia in the inter-civilizational and all-Russian space: past, present, future" (Seventh Krushanov Readings, 2011). Vladivostok: Dal'nauka, 2013, pp. 52–57.
20. Ustyugova O.A. Development of grain trade in the Far East of Russia during the period of the Stolypin resettlement (1906–1913) // Heritage P.A. Stolypin in the context of the history of the Russian Far East: Sat. scientific Art. Vladivostok: Mor. state un-t, 2012, pp. 66–75.
21. Ustyugova O.A. Grain trade in the Far East of Russia (1901–1913) // Seventh Grodekov readings: materials of the interregional. scientific-practical. Conf. dedicated to the 150th anniversary of the birth of P.A. Stolypin "The Far East of Russia: multicultural space in the 19th - 21st centuries." Khabarovsk: Khabarovsk Regional Museum named after N.I. Grodekova, 2012. T. I. S. 111–118.
22. Ustyugova O.A. The influence of Stolypin's resettlement policy on the development of trade in the Russian Far East (1906–1913) // Russia and the Asia-Pacific countries: historical experience of agrarian development: materials of the 5th Intern. scientific-practical. Conf. dedicated to the 150th anniversary of the birth of P.A. Stolypin (Blagoveshchensk, April 4–5, 2012). Blagoveshchensk: DalGAU, 2012, pp. 65–69.
23. Ustyugova O.A. The development of trade as a factor in the urbanization of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // Looking into the past: Far Eastern society in the XIX - XX centuries: Sat. Art. Book. 5. Vladivostok: Reya Publishing House, 2012, pp. 320–333.
24. Ustyugova O.A. Trade in the Far East of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century: the historiography of the problem // Development of Pacific Russia and adjacent territories of Northeast Asia (XVII - the first half of the 20th centuries): problems of historiography and source studies: coll. scientific Art. Vladivostok: Reya Publishing House, 2012, pp. 107–125.
25. Ustyugova O.A. Accession of Primorye as a factor in the development of Far Eastern trade (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries) // Primorye as part of Russia: on the 150th anniversary of the conclusion of the Beijing Treaty. Vladivostok: Dal'nauka, 2012, pp. 70–78.
26. Ustyugova O.A. Trade in alcoholic beverages among the Cossacks of the Far East of Russia (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries) // Cossacks of the Far East of Russia in the 18th - 21st centuries: coll. scientific Art. Issue. 3. Khabarovsk: Khabarovsk Regional Museum. N.I. Grodekova, 2011, pp. 50–57.
27. Ustyugova O.A. The role of the merchant class in the development of the Russian Far East (the second half of the 19th century) // Russia in the Pacific: the role of personality in the formation Russian statehood and security issues (Sixth Krushanov Readings, 2009). Vladivostok: Dal'nauka, 2011, pp. 373–378.
28. Ustyugova O.A. Social status and social activities of entrepreneurs-merchants in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // Ecumene. Regional Studies: Scientific and Theoretical Journal. Vladivostok: Dalnauka, 2010. No. 3 (14). pp. 41–47.
29. Ustyugova O.A. The development of trade among the Cossacks of the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // Cossacks of the Far East of Russia in the XVII - XXI centuries: to the 120th anniversary of the Ussuri Cossack army: Sat. scientific Art. Issue. 2. Khabarovsk: Khabarovsk local history museum them. N.I. Grodekova, 2009, pp. 50–54.
30. Ustyugova O.A. The origin of trade relations in the south of the Russian Far East (late 50s - 70s of the 19th century) // Historical science and historical education in the Far East: coll. scientific Art. Vladivostok: Dalnevost Publishing House. un-ta, 2009, pp. 101–105.
31. Ustyugova O.A. Trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. in the coverage of domestic historiography // History of the Far East of Russia (second half of the 19th - 20th centuries) in the coverage of domestic and foreign historiography. Vladivostok: Dal'nauka, 2008, pp. 103–124.
32. Ustyugova O.A. Sources on the history of trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // "Primorsky archives: history and modernity": materials of scientific-practical. Conf. dedicated to the 85th anniversary of the formation of the archival service in the Primorsky Territory, Vladivostok, July 16–17, 2008. Vladivostok, 2008, pp. 94–102.
33. Ustyugova O.A. Formation and development of trade in the south of the Russian Far East (second half of the 19th century) // Pacific Russia in the history of Russian and East Asian civilizations (Fifth Krushanov Readings, 2006). Vladivostok: Dal'nauka, 2008. Vol. 1. S. 266–272.
34. Ustyugova O.A. Russian-Chinese tea trade in the south of the Russian Far East at the beginning of the 20th century. // The history of the development of the Amur region by Russia and the current socio-economic state of the Asia-Pacific countries: materials of the int. scientific-practical. Conf., Komsomolsk-on-Amur, October 4–5, 2007. Komsomolsk-on-Amur: Publishing House of the State Pedagogical University, 2007. Part II. pp. 343–348.
35. Ustyugova O.A. The mentality of the Far Eastern merchants in the second half of the XIX century. // Ecumene. Regional Studies: Scientific and Theoretical Almanac. Vladivostok: Dalnauka, 2007. Issue. 3 (4). pp. 56–63.
36. Ustyugova O.A. Trade in fuel materials in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // IX Far Eastern Conference of Young Historians: Sat. materials. Vladivostok: FEB RAN, 2006, pp. 171–178.
37. Ustyugova O.A. Dynamics of the number and composition of entrepreneurs-merchants in the South of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century // The Russian Far East in the system of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region: history, economics, culture (Third Krushanov Readings, 2003). Vladivostok: Dal'nauka, 2006, pp. 314–322.
38. Ustyugova O.A. Trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century: a historical essay. Vladivostok, 2005. 202 p. Manuscript dep. in INION RAN No. 59184 03/23/2005.
39. Ustyugova O.A. On the issue of fish trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century // Fourth Grodekov readings: materials of the region. scientific-practical. conf. "Amur region in the historical, cultural and natural-scientific context of Russia". Khabarovsk: Khabarovsk Regional Museum named after N.I. Grodekova, 2004. Part I. S. 115–118.
40. Ustyugova O.A. On the history of trade in craft products in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century // Migration processes in the Far East (from ancient times to the beginning of the 20th century): materials of the int. scientific conf. Blagoveshchensk: Publishing house of BSPU, 2004, pp. 57–62.
41. Ustyugova O.A. Trade relations in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. Their legal basis and administrative regulation // Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region. 2003. No. 3. S. 41–46.
42. Ustyugova O.A. On the issue of trade turnover in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century // "85 years of higher historical and philological education in the Far East": materials of scientific. conf. November 4–5, 2003. Part 1. Vladivostok: Dalnevost Publishing House. un-ta, 2003, pp. 453–459.
43. Ustyugova O.A. On the question of the forms of trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // Russia and China on the Far Eastern Frontiers. Blagoveshchensk: Amur Publishing House. state un-ta, 2003. Issue. 6. S. 215–220.
44. Ustyugova O.A. On the issue of the development of salt trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the 1860s–70s // Far East of Russia: main aspects historical development in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. (Second Krushanov Readings, 2001). Vladivostok: Dal'nauka, 2003, pp. 97–99.
45. Ustyugova O.A. Trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the second half of the 19th century. Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. Vladivostok, 2002.
46. Ustyugova O.A. On the question of the development of grain trade in the south of the Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // Russia and China on the Far Eastern Frontiers. Blagoveshchensk, 2002. Issue. 3. S. 188–193.
47. Ustyugova O.A. Russian-Chinese tea trade in the Far East in the second half of the 19th century. // Sixth Far Eastern Conference of Young Historians. Collection of materials. Vladivostok, 2001, pp. 213–220.
48. Ustyugova O.A. The development of meat trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the 80–90s. 19th century // Russia and China on the Far Eastern Frontiers. Blagoveshchensk, 2001. Issue. 1. S. 562–567.
49. Ustyugova O.A. Grain trade in the south of the Russian Far East in the 80s. 19th century (on materials of governor's reports) // Historical experience of development of the Far East. Blagoveshchensk, 2000. Issue. 3. P. 50–53.
50. Ustyugova O.A. On the question of the role of trade in the development of the Far East in the 60–70s. 19th century // Historical experience of the development of the Far East. Blagoveshchensk, 2000. Issue. 3. P. 45–49.
51. Ustyugova O.A. Governor's Reports as a Source on the History of Grain Trade in the Far East in the 60s–70s. 19th century // Proceedings of the Russian State Historical Archive of the Far East. Vladivostok, 2000. T. V. S. 73–82.