Problems of "Untimely Thoughts"

Gorky puts forward a number of problems that he is trying to comprehend and resolve. One of the most significant among them is the historical fate of the Russian people.

Based on all his previous experience and on his reputation as a defender of the enslaved and humiliated, confirmed by many deeds, Gorky declares: “I have the right to speak the offensive and bitter truth about the people, and I am convinced that it will be better for the people if I tell this truth about them. the first, and not those enemies of the people who are now silent and hoarding revenge and anger in order to ... spit anger in the face of the people ... "

Fundamental is the difference in views on the people between Gorky and the Bolsheviks. Gorky refuses to "half-dore the people", he argues with those who, based on the most good, democratic motives, devoutly believed "in the exceptional qualities of our Karataevs."

Beginning his book with the message that the revolution gave freedom of speech, Gorky declares to his people the "pure truth", i.e. one that is above personal and group preferences. He believes that he illuminates the horrors and absurdities of the time so that the people see themselves from the outside and try to change for the better. In his opinion, the people themselves are to blame for their plight.

Gorky accuses the people of passively participating in the state development of the country. Everyone is to blame: in war people kill each other; fighting, they destroy what is built; in battles, people become embittered, go berserk, lowering the level of culture: theft, lynching, debauchery become more frequent. According to the writer, Russia is threatened not by a class danger, but by the possibility of savagery, lack of culture. Everyone blames each other, Gorky states bitterly, instead of "resisting the storm of emotions with the power of reason." Looking at his people, Gorky notes "that he is passive, but cruel, when power falls into his hands, that the glorified kindness of his soul is Karamazov's sentimentalism, that he is terribly immune to the suggestions of humanism and culture."

Let us analyze an article devoted to the "drama of July 4" - the dispersal of the demonstration in Petrograd. In the center of the article, a picture of the demonstration itself and its dispersal is reproduced (exactly reproduced, not retold). And then follows the author's reflection on what he saw with his own eyes, ending with a final generalization. The reliability of the report and the immediacy of the author's impression serve as the basis for an emotional impact on the reader. Both what happened and thoughts - everything happens as if before the eyes of the reader, therefore, obviously, the conclusions sound so convincing, as if they were born not only in the brain of the author, but also in our minds. We see the participants in the July demonstration: armed and unarmed people, a "truck-car" closely packed with motley representatives of the "revolutionary army" that "like a rabid pig" rushes. (Further on, the image of the truck evokes no less expressive associations: “a thundering monster”, “a ridiculous cart.”) But then the “panic of the crowd” begins, frightened of “itself”, although a minute before the first shot it “renounced the old world” and “ shook his dust off her feet." A “disgusting picture of madness” appears before the eyes of the observer: the crowd, at the sound of chaotic shots, behaved like a “herd of sheep”, turned into “heaps of meat, distraught with fear.”

Gorky is looking for the cause of what happened. Unlike the absolute majority, who blamed the "Leninists", Germans or outright counter-revolutionaries for everything, he calls the main reason for the misfortune that happened "severe Russian stupidity", "uncivilization, lack of historical flair."

A.M. Gorky writes: “Reproaching our people for their inclination towards anarchism, dislike for work, for all their savagery and ignorance, I remember: it could not be otherwise. The conditions among which he lived could not instill in him either respect for the individual, or consciousness of the rights of a citizen, or a sense of justice - these were conditions of complete lack of rights, oppression of a person, shameless lies and bestial cruelty.

Another issue that attracts Gorky's close attention is the proletariat as the creator of revolution and culture.

The writer in his very first essays warns the working class “that miracles do not really happen, that famine awaits it, the complete breakdown of industry, the destruction of transport, a long bloody anarchy ... because it is impossible to pike command make 85% of the country's peasant population socialist."

Gorky invites the proletariat to carefully examine its attitude towards the government, to be cautious about its activities: “But my opinion is this: the people’s commissars are destroying and ruining the working class of Russia, they are terribly and absurdly complicating the labor movement, creating irresistibly difficult conditions for all the future work of the proletariat and for all the progress of the country.

To his opponent's objections that the workers are included in the government, Gorky replies: "From the fact that the working class predominates in the Government, it does not yet follow that the working class understands everything that is done by the Government." According to Gorky, “People’s Commissars treat Russia as a material for experiment, the Russian people for them are the horse that bacteriologists inoculate with typhus so that the horse develops anti-typhoid serum in its blood.” “Bolshevik demagogy, inflaming the egoistic instincts of the peasant, extinguishes the germs of his social conscience, therefore the Soviet government spends its energy on inciting malice, hatred and gloating.”

According to Gorky's deep conviction, the proletariat must avoid contributing to the crushing mission of the Bolsheviks, its purpose lies elsewhere: it must become "an aristocracy in the midst of democracy in our peasant country."

“The best that the revolution has created,” Gorky believes, “is a conscious, revolutionary-minded worker. And if the Bolsheviks carry him away with robbery, he will die, which will cause a long and gloomy reaction in Russia.

The salvation of the proletariat, according to Gorky, lies in its unity with the “class of the working intelligentsia,” for “the working intelligentsia is one of the detachments of the great class of the modern proletariat, one of the members of the great working-class family.” Gorky turns to the mind and conscience of the working intelligentsia, hoping that their union will contribute to the development of Russian culture.

"The proletariat is the creator of a new culture - these words contain a beautiful dream of the triumph of justice, reason, beauty." The task of the proletarian intelligentsia is to unite all the intellectual forces of the country on the basis of cultural work. “But for the success of this work, it is necessary to abandon party sectarianism,” the writer reflects, “politics alone will not bring up a “new person”, by turning methods into dogmas, we do not serve the truth, but increase the number of pernicious delusions”

The third problematic link in Untimely Thoughts, which closely adjoins the first two, was the articles on the relationship between revolution and culture. This is the core problem of Gorky's journalism in 1917-1918. It is no coincidence that when publishing his Untimely Thoughts as a separate book, the writer gave the subtitle Notes on Revolution and Culture.

Gorky is ready to survive the cruel days of 1917 for the sake of the excellent results of the revolution: “We Russians are a people who have not yet worked freely, who have not had time to develop all their strength, all their abilities, and when I think that the revolution will give us the opportunity of free work, all-round creativity, - my heart is filled with great hope and joy even in these accursed days filled with blood and wine.”

He welcomes the revolution because "it is better to burn in the fire of the revolution than slowly rot in the rubbish heap of the monarchy." These days, according to Gorky, a new person who, finally, will throw off the accumulated dirt of our life for centuries, kill our Slavic laziness, enter the universal work of dispensing our planet as a brave, talented Worker. The publicist calls on everyone to bring into the revolution "all the best that is in our hearts," or at least reduce the cruelty and malice that intoxicate and discredit the revolutionary worker.

These romantic motifs are interrupted in the cycle by biting truthful fragments: “Our revolution has given full scope to all bad and bestial instincts ... we see that among the servants of the Soviet government, bribe-takers, speculators, swindlers are caught every now and then, and honest ones who know how to work, so as not to starve to death, sell newspapers on the streets. "Half-starved beggars deceive and rob each other - the current day is filled with this." Gorky warns the working class that the revolutionary working class will be responsible for all outrages, dirt, meanness, blood: "The working class will have to pay for the mistakes and crimes of its leaders - with thousands of lives, with streams of blood."

According to Gorky, one of the most paramount tasks of the social revolution is to purify human souls - to get rid of "the painful oppression of hatred", to "mitigate cruelty", "recreate morals", "ennoble relations". To accomplish this task, there is only one way - the way of cultural education.

What is the main idea of ​​"Untimely Thoughts"? Gorky's main idea is still very topical today: he is convinced that only by learning to work with love, only by understanding the paramount importance of labor for the development of culture, the people will be able to really create their own history.

He calls to heal the swamps of ignorance, because on rotten soil it will not take root new culture. Gorky suggests, in his opinion, effective way transformations: “We treat labor as if it were the curse of our life, because we do not understand the great meaning of labor, we cannot love it. It is only possible with the help of science to ease the conditions of work, reduce its quantity, make work easy and pleasant ... Only in love for work will we achieve the great goal of life.

The writer sees the highest manifestation of historical creativity in overcoming the elements of nature, in the ability to control nature with the help of science: “We will believe that a person will feel the cultural significance of labor and love it. Labor done with love becomes creativity.”

According to Gorky, science will help facilitate human labor and make it happy: “We, Russians, especially need to organize our higher mind - science. The wider and deeper the tasks of science, the more plentiful are the practical fruits of its research.

He sees a way out of the crisis in caring attitude to the cultural heritage of the country and the people, in rallying workers of science and culture in the development of industry, in spiritual re-education populace.

These are the ideas that form the single book of Untimely Thoughts, the book actual problems revolution and culture.

Conclusion

"Untimely Thoughts" evoke mixed feelings, probably as did the Russian Revolution itself and the days that followed. This is also the recognition of Gorky's timeliness and talented expressiveness. He possessed great sincerity, insight and civic courage. M. Gorky's unkind look at the history of the country helps our contemporaries to re-evaluate the works of writers of the 20-30s, the truth of their images, details, historical events, bitter forebodings.

The book "Untimely Thoughts" has remained a monument to its time. She captured the judgments of Gorky, which he expressed at the very beginning of the revolution and which turned out to be prophetic. And no matter how the views of their author subsequently changed, these thoughts turned out to be eminently timely for everyone who happened to experience hopes and disappointments in a series of upheavals that befell Russia in the 20th century.

The end of the 20th century is a turning point in history and human thought. We realized that the whole long period of the last 75 years had a specific meaning. And this meaning was best expressed by the theoreticians of socialism. The “petrel” of that time, Maxim Gorky, was able to truly convey the stormy, restless atmosphere of the beginning of the century in his notes entitled “Untimely Thoughts”.

It is not for nothing that this work is called a living document of the revolution. The book, without intermediaries and cuts, expresses the position of the author in relation to its prerequisites, consequences and the coming of a new power of the Bolsheviks. "Untimely Thoughts" was a forbidden work until the very perestroika. The articles were first published by New life”, which was then also closed under the pretext of the oppositional nature of the press.

Gorky connected his "Untimely Thoughts" with the revolution, as the embodiment of all the high hopes of the people. He considered it a harbinger of the revival of spirituality, the reason for the return of a long-lost sense of the homeland, and also an act with the help of which the people will finally be able to independently take part in their own history.

So it was in the first articles of the cycle (there are 58 in total). But already after the beginning of the October events, Gorky realized that the revolution was not going at all the way he had expected. He turns to the proletariat, which has won the victory, with the question of whether this victory will bring changes to the “bestial Russian life”, whether it will light up the light in the darkness of the life of the people. In other words, here already the ideals with which the writer loudly called for revolution begin to be opposed to the reality of the revolutionary days, which no one, not even Maxim Gorky, could foresee.

"Untimely Thoughts" especially clearly expresses the expressionism of the writer, their stylistic qualities give the right to call the notes one of his best works. There are many rhetorical questions, clear decisive conclusions, emotional appeals. The final idea of ​​most of the articles is the fundamental divergence of Gorky's views from the Bolshevik slogans. And main reason this - opposite points vision of the people and fundamentally different attitude to him. Gorky notes the passivity and at the same time the cruelty of the people, with unlimited power falling into their hands. Justifies the conditions of many years of life, in which there was nothing bright: no respect for the individual, no equality, no freedom.

However, the revolution, as Untimely Thoughts tells us, was still needed. Another thing is the combination of its liberation ideas with the bloody orgy that invariably accompanies all coup d'état. Here "Thoughts" carry out an interesting experiment of national self-criticism. Gorky showed us the dual nature of the personality of a Russian person. This person is incapable of daily manifestations of the generally accepted ones, but, nevertheless, he can accomplish a feat and even self-sacrifice.

As a result, the reason for the failure that occurred, according to Gorky, is not at all what the vast majority sees it. It is not "sloths" or counter-revolutionaries who are to blame for the misfortune - but ordinary Russian stupidity, lack of culture and sensitivity to historical changes. According to the author, the people, with long hard work, must win back the awareness of their own personality, be cleansed of the slavery that has sprouted in it, with the bright fire of culture.

The writing

I came into this world to disagree.
M. Gorky

A special place in Gorky's legacy is occupied by articles published in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn, which was published in Petrograd from April 1917 to June 1918. After the victory of October, Novaya Zhizn castigated the costs of the revolution, its "shadow sides" (looting, lynching, executions). For this, she was sharply criticized by the party press. In addition, the newspaper was suspended twice, and in June 1918 it was completely closed.

Gorky was the first to say that one should not think that the revolution in itself "spiritually crippled or enriched Russia." Only now begins "the process of intellectual enrichment of the country - the process is extremely slow." Therefore, the revolution must create such conditions, institutions, organizations that would help the development of the intellectual forces of Russia. Gorky believed that the people, who had lived in slavery for centuries, should be instilled with culture, give the proletariat systematic knowledge, a clear understanding of their rights and obligations, and teach the rudiments of democracy.

During the period of the struggle against the Provisional Government and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, when blood was shed everywhere, Gorky advocated the awakening of good feelings in the souls with the help of art: deepening into the mysteries of life. It is strange for me to see that the proletariat, in the person of its thinking and acting organ, the "Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies," is so indifferent to the sending to the front, to the slaughterhouse, of soldiers-musicians, artists, drama artists and other people necessary to its soul. After all, by sending its talents to slaughter, the country exhausts its heart, the people tear off the best pieces from their flesh. If politics divides people into sharply hostile groups, then art reveals the universal in a person: “Nothing straightens a person’s soul so easily and quickly as the influence of art and science.”

Gorky was mindful of the irreconcilability of the interests of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. But with the victory of the proletariat, the development of Russia had to follow the democratic path! And for this it was necessary first of all to stop the predatory war (in this Gorky agreed with the Bolsheviks). The writer sees a threat to democracy not only in the activities of the Provisional Government, in the armed struggle, but also in the behavior of the peasant masses with their ancient "dark instincts". These instincts resulted in pogroms in Minsk, Samara and other cities, in lynching of thieves, when people were killed right on the streets: “During wine pogroms, people are shot like wolves, gradually accustoming them to calm extermination of their neighbor ...”

In Untimely Thoughts, Gorky approached the revolution from a moral standpoint, fearing unjustified bloodshed. He understood that with a radical break in the social system, armed clashes cannot be avoided, but at the same time he opposed senseless cruelty, against the triumph of the unbridled mass, which resembles a beast that smells blood.

The main idea of ​​"Untimely Thoughts" is the indissolubility of politics and morality. The proletariat must be magnanimous both as a victor and as a bearer of the lofty ideals of socialism. Gorky protests against the arrests of students and various public figures (Countess Panina, book publisher Sytin, Prince Dolgorukov, etc.), against the reprisals against cadets who were killed in prison by sailors: “There is no poison more vile than power over people, we must remember this in order to the authorities did not poison us, turning us into cannibals even more vile than those against whom we fought all our lives. Gorky's articles did not go unanswered: the Bolsheviks conducted investigations and punished those responsible. Like any real writer, Gorky was in opposition to the authorities, on the side of those who this moment was bad. Arguing with the Bolsheviks, Gorky nevertheless called on cultural figures to cooperate with them, because only in this way could the intelligentsia fulfill its mission of educating the people: “I know that they are conducting the most cruel scientific experiment on the living body of Russia, I know how to hate, but I want to be fair."

Gorky called his articles "untimely," but his struggle for genuine democracy was launched at the right time. Another thing is that the new government very soon ceased to be satisfied with the presence of any opposition. The newspaper was closed. The intelligentsia (including Gorky) were allowed to leave Russia. The people very soon fell into a new slavery, covered with socialist slogans and words about the good ordinary people. Gorky was deprived of the right to speak openly for a long time. But what he managed to publish - the collection Untimely Thoughts - will remain an invaluable lesson in civic courage. They contain the writer's sincere pain for his people, painful shame for everything that happens in Russia, and faith in its future, despite bloody horror history and "dark instincts" of the masses, and the eternal call: "Be more humane in these days of general brutality!"

In a nutshell: In a turning point historical stage 1917–1918 the author in newspaper notes speaks about the war, the revolution, the fate of the Russian people, whose spiritual salvation is completely dependent on culture and knowledge.

The book consists of short notes by M. Gorky, published in the Petrograd newspaper Novaya Zhizn from May 1, 1917 to June 16, 1918.

"The Russian people got married to Svoboda." But these people must throw off the centuries-old oppression of the police regime. The author notes that the political victory is only the beginning. Only popular and democratized knowledge as an instrument of interclass struggle and the development of culture will help the Russians to win a complete victory. The multi-million inhabitant, politically illiterate and socially ill-mannered, is dangerous. "The organization of the country's creative forces is as necessary to us as bread and air." The creative force is man, his weapon is spirituality and culture.

The fading of the spirit was revealed by the war: Russia is weak in the face of a cultured and organized enemy. The people who shouted about the salvation of Europe from the false shackles of civilization with the spirit of true culture quickly fell silent:

The "spirit of true culture" turned out to be the stench of all kinds of ignorance, disgusting selfishness, rotten laziness and carelessness.

"If the Russian people are not able to refuse the grossest violence against a person, they have no freedom." The author considers stupidity and cruelty to be the fundamental enemies of Russians. You need to cultivate a sense of disgust for murder:

Murder and violence are the arguments of despotism, ... to kill a person does not mean ... to kill an idea.

Telling the truth is the most difficult art of all. It is inconvenient for the layman and unacceptable for him. Gorky talks about the atrocities of the war. War is the senseless extermination of people and fertile lands. Art and science have been raped by militarism. Despite the talk of brotherhood and unity of human interests, the world plunged into bloody chaos. The author notes that everyone is guilty of this. How much useful for the development of the state could be done by those killed in the war, working for the good of the country.

But we are destroying millions of lives and huge reserves of labor energy for murder and destruction.

Only culture, according to Gorky, will save the Russians from their main enemy - stupidity. After the revolution, the proletariat got the opportunity to create, but so far it is limited to the "water" feuilletons of the decree commissars. It is in the proletariat that the author sees the dream of the triumph of justice, reason, beauty, "of the victory of man over the beast and cattle."

The main conductor of culture is the book. However, the most valuable libraries are being destroyed, printing has almost ceased.

From one of the champions of monarchism, the author learns that lawlessness reigns even after the revolution: arrests are made at the behest of a pike, and prisoners are treated cruelly. An official of the old regime, a Cadet or an Octobrist, becomes an enemy for the present regime, and the attitude "according to humanity" towards him is the most vile.

After the revolution, there was a lot of looting: crowds devastate entire cellars, the wine from which could be sold to Sweden and provide the country with the necessary things - manufactory, cars, medicines. "This is a Russian revolt without socialists in spirit, without the participation of socialist psychology."

According to the author, Bolshevism will not fulfill the aspirations of the uncultured masses, the proletariat has not won. The seizure of banks does not give people bread - hunger is rampant. Innocent people are again in prisons, "the revolution bears no signs of the spiritual rebirth of man." They say that first you need to take power into your own hands. But the author objects:

There is no poison more vile than power over people, we must remember this so that power does not poison us ...

Culture, primarily European, can help a crazed Russian become more humane, teach him to think, because even for many literate people there is no difference between criticism and slander.

The freedom of speech, which the revolution paved the way for, is for the time being becoming the freedom of slander. The press raised the question: “Who is to blame for the devastation of Russia?” Each of the disputants is sincerely convinced that his opponents are to blame. Right now, in these tragic days, we should remember how poorly developed the sense of personal responsibility is among the Russian people and how “we are used to punishing our neighbors for our sins.”

The slavish blood of the Tatar-Mongol yoke and serfdom is still alive in the blood of the Russian people. But now "the disease has come out," and the Russians will pay for their passivity and Asian rigidity. Only culture and spiritual purification will help them heal.

The most sinful and dirty people on earth, stupid in good and evil, intoxicated with vodka, disfigured by the cynicism of violence ... and, at the same time, incomprehensibly good-natured - at the end of everything - this is a talented people.

It is necessary to teach people to love the Motherland, to awaken in the peasant the desire to learn. The true essence of culture is in disgust for everything dirty, deceitful, which "humiliates a person and makes him suffer."

Gorky condemns the despotism of Lenin and Trotsky: they are rotten from power. Under them there is no freedom of speech, as under Stolypin. The people for Lenin are like ore from which there is a chance to "cast socialism." He learned from books how to raise the people, although he never knew the people. The leader led to the death of both the revolution and the workers. The revolution must open democracy for Russia, violence must go away - the spirit and reception of the caste.

For a slave, the greatest joy is to see his master defeated, because. he does not know a joy more worthy of a man - the joy of "being free from the feeling of enmity towards one's neighbor." It will be known - it is not worth living if there is no faith in the brotherhood of people and confidence in the victory of love. As an example, the author cites Christ - the immortal idea of ​​mercy and humanity.

The government can take credit for the fact that the self-esteem of a Russian person is rising: the sailors shout that for each of their heads they will take off not hundreds, but thousands of heads of the rich. For Gorky, this is the cry of cowardly and unbridled beasts:

Of course, killing is easier than convincing.

There was little concern for the Russian people to become better. The throat of the press is clamped by the "new power", but the press is able to make anger not so disgusting, because "the people learn from us anger and hatred."

Be more human in these days of general brutality.

In the world, a person’s assessment is given simply: does he love, can he work? "If so, you are the person the world needs." And since the Russians do not like to work and do not know how, and the Western European world knows this, “then it will be very bad for us, worse than we expect ...” The revolution gave scope to bad instincts, and, at the same time, cast aside "all intellectual powers democracy, all the moral energy of the country."

The author believes that a woman with the charm of love can turn men into people, into children. For Gorky, the savagery that a woman-mother, the source of all good in spite of destruction, demands that all Bolsheviks and peasants be hanged. The woman is the mother of Christ and Judas, Ivan the Terrible and Machiavelli, geniuses and criminals. Russia will not perish if a woman pours light into this bloody chaos of these days.

They imprison people who have brought a lot of benefits to society. They imprison the Cadets, and yet their party represents the interests of a considerable part of the people. Commissars from Smolny do not care about the fate of the Russian people: "In the eyes of your leaders, you are still not a man." The phrase "We express the will of the people" is an adornment of the speech of the government, which always seeks to master the will of the masses with even a bayonet.

The equality of the Jews is one of the best achievements of the revolution: they finally gave the opportunity to work to people who know how to do it better. The Jews, to the amazement of the author, discover more love to Russia than many Russians. And the attacks on the Jews due to the fact that a few of them turned out to be Bolsheviks, the author considers unreasonable. An honest Russian person has to feel shame "for a Russian bungler who, on a difficult day in his life, will certainly look for his enemy somewhere outside himself, and not in the abyss of his stupidity."

Gorky is outraged by the share of soldiers in the war: they die, and officers receive orders. The soldier is a litter. There are known cases of fraternization of Russian and German soldiers at the front: apparently, common sense pushed them to this.

For the social and aesthetic education of the masses, Gorky, in comparison with Russian literature, considers European literature more useful - Rostand, Dickens, Shakespeare, as well as Greek tragedians and French comedies: "I stand for this repertoire because - I dare say - I know the demands of the spirit of the working masses."

The author speaks of the need to unite the intellectual forces of the experienced intelligentsia with the forces of the young worker-peasant intelligentsia. Then it is possible to revive the spiritual forces of the country and improve its health. This is the path to culture and freedom, which must rise above politics:

Politics, whoever does it, is always disgusting. She is always accompanied by lies, slander and violence.

Horror, stupidity, madness - from man, as well as the beauty he created on earth. Gorky appeals to man, to his faith in the victory of good principles over evil ones. Man is sinful, but he atones for his sins and filth with unbearable suffering.



Untimely Thoughts

Untimely Thoughts
The title of a book by the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900).
In Russia, the expression became widely known thanks to the writer Maxim Gorky, who also named a series of his journalistic articles written in the first months after the October Revolution of 1917 and published in the New Life newspaper (December, 1917 - July, 1918). In the summer of 1918, the newspaper was closed by the new authorities. Gorky's Untimely Thoughts was published in 1919. separate edition and were no longer reprinted in the USSR, until 1990.
In his articles, the writer condemned the "socialist revolution" undertaken by the Bolsheviks:
“Our revolution has given scope to all the bad and bestial instincts that have accumulated under the lead roof of the monarchy, and at the same time, it has thrown aside all the intellectual forces of democracy, all the moral energy of the country ... People's Commissars treat Russia as material for experience...
The reformers from Smolny do not care about Russia, they cold-bloodedly doom her as a victim of their dream of a world or European revolution.
Jokingly ironic: about an opinion that was expressed inopportunely, not at the time when the society (audience) is not yet ready to accept and appreciate it.

encyclopedic Dictionary winged words and expressions. - M.: "Lokid-Press". Vadim Serov. 2003 .

See what "Untimely Thoughts" is in other dictionaries:

- (lat. intelligentia, intellegentia understanding, cognitive power, knowledge; from intelligens, intellegens smart, knowing, thinking, understanding) in the modern generally accepted (ordinary) representation of the social stratum educated people … Encyclopedia of cultural studies

"Gorky" redirects here; see also other meanings. This term has other meanings, see Maxim Gorky (meanings). Maxim Gorky ... Wikipedia

BITTER- Maxim (real name Alexei Maksimovich Peshkov) (03/16/1868, Nizhny Novgorod 06/18/1936, Gorki, near Moscow), writer, playwright, public figure. Genus. in the family of a cabinetmaker, lost his parents early, was brought up by his grandfather, the owner ... ... Orthodox Encyclopedia

Nickname famous writer Alexei Maksimovich Peshkov (see). (Brockhaus) Gorky, Maxim (real name Peshkov, Alexei Maxim.), famous novelist, b. March 14, 1869 in Nizhny. Novgorod, s. upholsterer, apprentice paint shop. (Vengerov) ... ... Big biographical encyclopedia

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Joseph Schumpeter Joseph Schumpeter Date of birth: February 8, 1883 (1883 02 08) Me ... Wikipedia