Mikhail Delyagin is the last. Mikhail Delyagin, biography, news, photos

22.01.2018 07:00 5514 7.9 (31)

From WADA to the Baltics: what is the “reputation of the Russian State”?

The ever-increasing attacks on Russia and the growth of reactive patriotism make us think about the vocabulary of this very patriotism. To show why this is important, I will give one example. Once, on the air of one Novorossiysk Internet TV, the presenter attacked me for saying that “there is no genocide in Donbass.” How is it - no?! How much blood has been shed, how many lives have been lost, how can I even... Everything is true, there are a lot of war crimes. But there is no genocide. Because the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide defines that “genocide means acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such.” And Ukrainian bandits are destroying Donetsk and Lugansk residents on political grounds - as rebels. Not nationally. And not in a religious way. That is, there is no corpus delicti of genocide. But there are expectations that the Ukrainian punitive forces will be tried specifically for genocide. And these expectations will certainly, definitely be deceived. This means that the vocabulary of conflict proposed by the “Novorossians” is initially flawed. Which is a shame, because this mistake could have easily been avoided by focusing on war crimes.

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04:48 02.09.2018

In a famous joke, a small child shouts Pray and repent! brought his religious grandmother to the brink of insanity, until his parents realized that he had just watched the cartoon Malysh and Carlson (I hope this story will not lead to the ban of the latter for insulting the feelings of believers) No matter how sad it is, the attitude of the mass of high-profile publicists and politicians towards the Soviet period of our history is surprisingly reminiscent of this plot. 27 years have passed since the destruction of the Soviet Union, but hatred of it, the desire to discredit it, attempts to force us

14:02 01.06.2018

Mikhail Delyagin: our state serves not the people, but financial speculators. The May decrees of the president, signed by him in 2012, were not just blatantly and cynically sabotaged by the liberal government of Medvedev (whose representatives, I remember, announced the absence of 1 trillion rubles for their implementation at that time the very year during which the unused balances in budget accounts increased by 1.5 trillion), but were also used by him to destroy Russia. Thus, imposing on the regions the responsibility to increase the salaries of doctors and teachers without providing them with

10:57 26.04.2018

In 2017, guest workers and offshore aristocracy withdrew $48 billion from Russia. It is expected that in 2018, remittances to Europe and Central Asia will grow by another 6% to $51 billion. As a reason, the World Bank points to the improving economic situation in Russia, the stabilization of working conditions and the strengthening of the ruble. But why do these countries, which sometimes have the most unfriendly relations with us and even close Russian schools, take advantage of this in the first place? Money transfers from Russia consist of three main and completely

19:30 13.01.2018

The collective West (including global speculators and their organizational structure, the American state) has launched and will continue a war of annihilation against Russia while it is still cold. The most important reason for this is the value incompatibility of our civilizations, exposed by V. Putin’s Valdai speech in September 2013: the profit-serving West is transforming man for the sake of new ones types of consumption and, accordingly, new markets, and Russia perceives this as dehumanization. Besides, the US can only exist as long as the rest of the world pays for it.

17:46 21.10.2017

The ex-president of Georgia is summoned to spark a big war. Saakashvili’s triumphant crossing of the border showed the complete insignificance of two states at once: not only Ukraine, but also Poland (a member of NATO and the European Union). Judging by the stop of as many as two trains with political guest workers (and the movement of trains is determined by the country through whose territory they are traveling), the Polish authorities did not want to demonstrably violate the border, but they turned out to be powerless. And the fact that the Ukrainian authorities, giving the impression of bloody maniacs, turned out to be helpless in the face of

23:23 05.09.2017

In August, the personal website of M.G. Delyagin took 97th place in the ranking of the 100 most cited social media sites on the Runet, compiled by the Brand Analytics analytical center. At the same time, he was ahead of the websites of Anatoly Shariy and the Moscow24 TV channel. The first three places in the ranking were taken by RIA Novosti, the Russian website Russia Today and Yandex News. M.G. Delyagin’s website is among the top 100 most cited RuNet sites in social media for the third month in a row: in June it took 100th place, in July - 96th place. Among the personal sites is the site of M.G. Delyagin with 16.8 thousand links

Mikhail Gennadyevich Delyagin - a prominent domestic expert on economic sciences, consultant, politician, analyst, academician of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences, Doctor of Economics, author of numerous articles and scientific works, ex-chairman of the committee of the national conservative political force "Rodina", state adviser of the 2nd class .

He is the founder and head of the board of trustees of the research organization Institute of Problems of Globalization (IPROG), a member of the National Investment Council and the Izborsk Club, has the status of an honorary professor at the Chinese Jilin University and a research professor at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations.

The ex-adviser to the heads of the highest executive body of state power of the Russian Federation and its critic left his position in the state apparatus four times and returned, however, he was fired only once, the day before the default, with the wording “for anti-government agitation.” With his famous smile, which supposedly irritates everyone, he declared that he considered himself unsuitable for the profession of a civil servant because he did not like and did not know how to steal.

Childhood and family of Mikhail Delyagin

The future scientist was born, who at the age of 30 received the status of Doctor of Science, on March 18, 1968 in Moscow. His mother, Nina Mikhailovna, and father, Gennady Nikolaevich, were engineers. They worked in “mailboxes” (enterprises included in the military-industrial complex).

The head of the family was well known in scientific circles as the founder of modern alternative fuel for energy - water-coal. They raised their son quite strictly; at least, he later mentioned in an interview that the word “must” was never discussed in his childhood.

History is silent about why he did not enter college immediately after graduating from school in 1985. But it is known that since 1986 he served two years of military service in the army, and then, in 1988, became a student at the economics department of Moscow State University.

At the age of 22, as a second-year university student, he found himself among Boris Yeltsin’s assistants on economic sciences. Mikhail was attracted to work at the White House by his teacher Igor Nit, with whom he was then writing a course work on monopolism in the Soviet system.

Career of Mikhail Delyagin

Having graduated from a university with honors in 1992, the young man received a leading position in the Group of Experts, which is part of the Administration of the Head of State and specializes in conducting operational analysis and professional forecasting of the situation within the Russian Federation and abroad. A year later, on his own initiative, he went to work as vice president of CoM Invest Group, Ltd, a company engaged in investing in various business areas.

In the period from 1994 to 1996. Mikhail Gennadievich was the chief specialist at the Analytical Center under the head of state, from October 1996 to March 1997 - assistant to Sergei Ignatiev, assistant to the president of the country. Then he was an adviser to the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister Anatoly Kulikov, and since June 1997 he held a similar position under the first deputy head of the highest executive body Boris Nemtsov. The success of the young consultant was evidenced by the personal gratitude of the leader of the Russian Federation, Boris Yeltsin, received in accordance with his order dated March 11, 1997.

Speech by Mikhail Delyagin regarding the Police Law

Having defended his dissertation in 1998, the 30-year-old doctor of science founded IPROG, which subsequently collaborated with ideologically similar foreign organizations - the German Friedrich Ebert and Rosa Luxemburg foundations, the Transnational Institute from the Netherlands, and the Transform network of political foundations. He also worked as an adviser to Yuri Maslyukov, the first deputy chairman of the government, and in 1999 - deputy to Nikolai Aksenenko. He also advised Yevgeny Primakov (when the politician had already left the government), although he, according to the economist-analyst, almost did not need his help, and also in 2002-2003. was an adviser to Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov.

Personal life of Mikhail Delyagin

The academician got married in 1995. Together with his wife Raisa Valentinovna, they raised two children. He wrote the following about his grandchildren on his VKontakte profile: “I’m waiting.”

He perceives the family as one whole, therefore he rejects such a concept as “family responsibilities.” If he came home from work, albeit tired, but before his wife, he would cook dinner himself, not considering it shameful. Likewise, if he did not have the opportunity to do repairs in the apartment, then his wife did it.

Mikhail named his mother as a standard and role model, and in the professional sphere - the British economist John Maynard Keynes and the American economic theorist John Kenneth Galbraith. He included sleeping, traveling, skiing and diving in his list of favorite leisure activities.

According to the Intellectual Russia Foundation, in 2005 his book “Russia after Putin” was in second position in the ranking of domestic socio-humanitarian thinkers (after Alexander Zinoviev’s “Crossroads”).

Mikhail Delyagin today

At the end of 2010, on the basis of the then-dissolved Rodina party, he created the political force Rodina: Common Sense (RMS) and headed it, but the Ministry of Justice refused to register this organization as a party. The famous economist Mikhail Khazin called the emergence of RZS a positive event in Russian politics. Journalist and political consultant Anatoly Wasserman also publicly declared his support for the party.

Mikhail Delyagin's story about the direct line with the president

In 2012, Mikhail Gennadievich headed the editorial board of the international public publication “Free Thought” (until 1991 – “Communist”).

In 2016, the economist in his publications (“How they are killing us” in the newspaper “Zavtra”, “At the Gaidar Forum, liberals began preparing for a new plunder of Russia” on the website of the Polit.ru portal, “Will a piece of Russia be sold to the USA?” in “Arguments and Facts” ") repeatedly warned that (ostensibly to the delight of liberals and their Western masters) a new wave of upcoming privatization would allow private owners to obtain a profitable part of state property and would turn into another robbery that could push the country into chaos, violence and mass unrest.

Mikhail Delyagin is a politician, publicist, television and radio presenter. A prominent Russian expert and consultant on economics, head of the board of trustees of the Institute for Globalization Problems, full member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences and member of the A Just Russia party. At the age of 30 he became a Doctor of Economic Sciences.

Childhood and youth

The future scientist and politician was born in the spring of 1968 in Moscow into an engineering family. Delyagin’s parents – Nina Mikhailovna and Gennady Nikolaevich – worked for Soviet defense enterprises, the so-called “mailboxes”. Delyagin Sr. is known in scientific circles as the founder of an alternative fuel for the energy industry - water-coal.

Mikhail was brought up in strictness: the parental orders were not challenged, but were carried out unquestioningly. The young man graduated from school with a gold medal and entered the Moscow State University. , choosing the Faculty of Economics.

At the age of 18, after completing his first year, Mikhail Delyagin repaid his debt to his homeland by serving 2 years in the army. In the fall of 1987, the private arrived home on leave and organized a collection of signatures at the faculty in support of the disgraced man. An investigation began, but a sample of Delyagin’s handwriting was not taken - he returned to duty. Activists and fellow students did not give up Mikhail, who wrote the appeal. At the Faculty of History, the “conspirators” were found and expelled from the university.

After demobilization, the student returned to his studies. In his 3rd year, Mikhail Delyagin wrote a brilliant term paper, which won a prize in the competition. The head of the work turned out to be Igor Nit.

In the summer of 1990, the former leader, who became the first adviser on economic issues under Yeltsin, remembered the talented student and introduced the head of the Supreme Council to the expert group of the government apparatus. At that time, Mikhail Delyagin was 22 years old.

Career

In 1992, Delyagin was awarded a diploma in economics with honors. In the same year, Mikhail, who worked at the White House without interrupting his studies, became the chief specialist of the expert group under the head of state. The duties of the young specialist included operational analysis and forecasting of the economic situation in the country and abroad.

A year later, a new page appeared in Mikhail’s work biography: he became vice president of the Kominvest company, which invests in various areas of Russian business. In the spring of 1994, Delyagin was appointed chief analyst of the Analytical Center under the President. The economist worked in this position for 2 years, without interrupting his work, defending his dissertation at his native university on the topic of the development of the Russian banking system.

In 1996, the assistant to the head of state for economic issues invited Mikhail Delyagin to become a referent on his team.

In 1997, the specialist worked as an adviser to Deputy Prime Minister Anatoly Kulikov and First Deputy Head of Government. In 1998, the 30-year-old official became a Doctor of Economics, defending a dissertation on the topic of economic security of the state.

Mikhail Delyagin worked as an adviser until 2003. He worked with Yuri Maslyukov, Nikolai Aksenenko, and. From the summer of 1998 to April 2002, he headed the Institute of Globalization Problems, where he returned after 4 years. In the spring of 2017, Delyagin became the scientific director of the institute.

Mikhail Gennadievich is known for his speeches and articles in the press. It is readily published by the Russian publications “Zavtra”, “Arguments and Facts”, “Novaya Gazeta”, “Vedomosti”, as well as newspapers and magazines in Germany, France, India, and China. Peru Delyagin owns over 1000 articles published on the pages of the world press. He is the author and co-author of three dozen books on pressing socio-political topics.

In the professional sphere, Mikhail Delyagin’s authorities are the economists John Maynard Keynes and John Kenneth Galbraith. In 2005, his book “Russia after Putin” took second place in the ranking of Russian publicists writing on social and humanitarian topics. He was in the lead with the book “Crossroads”. Delyagin's articles appear on the official website of the politician and publicist.

Personal life

Mikhail Delyagin called his mother his role model. Married in the mid-1990s, he created a strong family. His wife Raisa Valentinovna gave her husband two children.

Family for Mikhail Gennadievich is something sacred and unshakable, but he rejects “family responsibilities”. If he returns home before his wife, he prepares dinner. The wife may well do the home renovation if Delyagin’s work schedule is too busy.

In his free time he likes to travel, ski, dive into the depths of the sea with scuba gear, or just sleep.

Mikhail Delyagin now

In 2017, Radio Moscow Speaks ceased cooperation with Delyagin. Mikhail Gennadievich named the reason as a change in editorial policy and refusal to cover economic problems. Now the politician and scientist comes to radio broadcasts as a guest. He concentrated his efforts on his own broadcast on the Komsomolskaya Pravda radio, where he covers current events in society and the country.

In 2018, before the presidential elections, Mikhail Delyagin “went through” the main candidates for seat No. 1. He noted a tectonic split in the ranks of the opposition. called on them to boycott, and veiledly campaigned for.

Delyagin called it “quite natural” that the communist candidate was supported by big business. A similar situation happened at the beginning of the twentieth century, when communists collaborated with capitalists, taking advantage of their contradictions with the authorities. For Khodorkovsky, the communist Grudinin presented himself as a convenient candidate who could be easily controlled.

Bibliography

1994 – “Where is “great” Russia going?”
1997 – “Russia is in depression: Economics: analysis of problems and prospects”
1997 – “The Economy of Non-Payments: How and Why We Will Live Tomorrow”
2000 – “The Ideology of Revival: How We Get Out of Poverty and Insanity: A Sketch of the Policy of a Responsible Government of Russia”
2003 – “World crisis. General theory of globalization: Course of lectures"
2005 – “Russia after Putin: is an “orange-green” revolution inevitable in Russia?”
2007 – “Retribution is on the threshold. Revolution in Russia: when, how, why"
2007 – “Russia for Russians”
2007 – “Fundamentals of Russian foreign policy: matrix of interests”
2008 – “Revenge of Russia”
2008 – “Drive of Humanity: Globalization and the World Crisis”
2009 – “How to overcome the crisis yourself. The science of saving, the science of taking risks: simple tips!”
2010 – “Fools, roads and other troubles of Russia: conversations about the main thing”
2011 – “Russia’s path: a new oprichnina, or why there is no need to “get out of Rashka””
2012 – “The 100-dollar government. What if the price of oil falls?
2014 – “Time to win: conversations about the main thing”
2015 – “Russia in the face of history. The end of the era of national betrayal?
2015 – “Overcoming the liberal plague. Why and how we will win!
2016 – “Lights of darkness: physiology of the liberal clan: from Gaidar and Berezovsky to Sobchak and Navalny”

Liberal policies of the 90s lead Russia to Maidan

Sanctions (the main factor of which is the “presumption of guilt” in relation to any interaction with Russia) and the reduction in oil prices (relative, since about a third of it is caused by the rise in price of the dollar) are far from the main source of Russia’s socio-economic problems, no matter how much the West would like it and his “fifth column” in our country. After all, the dramatic slowdown in economic growth, the frightening weakening of the ruble, and the panicky flight of capital appeared at the very beginning of 2014, long before the sanctions, and, moreover, the fall in oil prices.

The main reason for our troubles is that the historically modern Russian state was created at the very beginning of the 90s to solve a simple and clear task: plundering the Soviet legacy and legalizing the loot as personal wealth in fashionable Western countries.

The legacy is already almost exhausted, and there is a problem with legalization, but the state machine, once firmly screwed together on the basis of greed and hatred of justice, on which our culture and civilization itself is based, continues to mercilessly grind Russia.

This is the main thing. Everything else - total corruption and unpunished arbitrariness of monopolies, breaking the back of the Russian economy, insecurity of property, the everyday madness of the courts, organized crime as an almost everyday form of government and local self-government - are only external manifestations of this fundamental historical pattern.

The fundamental refusal of the liberals, who control the socio-economic bloc of the government and the Bank of Russia, from development, as well as their accession of Russia to the WTO on enslaving conditions (which immediately replaced investment growth with recession) is also a consequence of the nature of the state machine created on the ruins of the Soviet Union.

The listed factors slowed down GDP growth from 4.3% in 2010 and 2011 to 3.4% in 2012 and 1.3% in 2013. It became clear that “all other things being equal” in 2014 it would go into a growing recession.

This was avoided due to two waves of ruble devaluations: the first began after the New Year and ended in mid-March, the second took place in September-October. They spurred industry, increased the incomes of exporters and, by making imports more expensive, contributed to import substitution.

The devaluations were intensified by irresponsible statements by the liberal and non-banking management of the Bank of Russia about its refusal to stabilize the foreign exchange market, which invited speculators of all stripes to attack the ruble. The negative effect of devaluations was further enhanced by the fact that they were drawn out over time, raising panic and benefiting only speculators. If weakening the currency is not in the interests of speculators, but to maintain competitiveness, this must be done quickly - as was done during the 2008-2009 crisis in countries as diverse as Kazakhstan, Poland and Norway.

The positive effect of the 2014 devaluations is very weak even in comparison with 2008-2009 due to the lack of free capacity, professional or at least retained labor motivation of the workforce (the result of liberal education reform), tax oppression combined with tax terror (due to artificially organized crisis of regional budgets) and prohibitively high costs of infrastructure services (due to the arbitrariness of monopolies).

At the same time, the negative effect of devaluations is high due to the arbitrariness of monopolies, which use any event as a reason to raise prices, the significant external debt of large corporations and the inadequacy of statistics, which underestimate inflation and thereby deprive the state of an objective picture.

The situation is further aggravated by liberal socio-economic policies. Within its framework, the real priority of the budget was freezing taxpayers’ money in it (unused balances grew by 2.1 trillion rubles over 9 months, exceeding 8.5 trillion) with the withdrawal of the main part of it to support the financial systems of countries leading against us “ Cold War" (as Deputy Prime Minister Dvorkovich said, "Russia must pay for the financial stability of the United States").

As a result, the economy is suffocating in the “Kudrin loop”: due to an artificially organized monetary famine, large taxpayers are forced to borrow abroad their own funds, paid by them in the form of taxes and transferred by the state to developed countries, and for others the cost of the loan is prohibitively high.

At the same time, the inexorable expansion of market relations into the social sphere increases the cost of public services, which in a situation where three quarters of the population are poor (cannot buy durable goods from current income), means a decrease in the accessibility of the social sphere and the destruction of normal everyday life.

Finally, liberals systematically sabotage the president’s reasonable initiatives that were not dictated by them. Thus, at first they simply did not pay attention to the “May decrees”, and then they shifted responsibility for implementing their social part to the regions without giving them money. As a result, the regions became scarce and first went into debt, and then began to cut the social sphere to increase the salaries of the remaining workers - while the federal budget continued to choke on money.

The result has already been an increase in social tension, noticeable even despite the Crimean “patriotic freeze” and quite significantly eroding it. Already in the fall, ambulance workers in Ufa were starving (and in Moscow they were in a pre-strike state), and workers at the Sevastopol port walked through the city to Medvedev’s reception to inform him of their salary - 4 thousand rubles. per month (several times less than before the reunification). On November 2, the capital’s doctors held a rally against the sharp cuts in Moscow healthcare, carried out, as far as one can judge, to “clear space” for commercial medicine.

At the same time, the real incomes of the bulk of Russians, as observation of a number of regions shows, have been declining (contrary to official statistics and Kudrin’s statements) since last summer, and the growing economic recession and high inflation since 2015 are inevitable if liberal socio-economic policies are maintained.

In the spring of 2015, organized by the liberals in power (including for political purposes - to overthrow the President of the Russian Federation, who is not subordinate to global business), the socio-political tension will result in individual large protests, which will become large-scale in the fall, creating conditions for the organization of the Maidan and attempts to overthrow the government.

Liberals demand continuation of the banquet

Under these conditions, which require the restoration of the minimum necessary state regulation of the economy (of course, with its removal from areas where it is not needed and serves only corruption), liberals continue to rush into the 90s, actually creating the socio-economic prerequisites for organizing a coup d'etat ( and holding endless and meaningless “investment forums” almost every week to remind people of themselves, make information and propaganda throw-ins, prove their relevance and demonstrate the intensity of their work).

Thus, Kudrin, in the midst of a frightening devaluation at the end of October, persistently called for the final cessation of all support by the Bank of Russia for the ruble and the immediate, early “letting of the latter into free floating,” mortally frightening even professional financial speculators (still in need of at least some kind of stability) .

Eloquent arguments about the “trap of stagnation” (created primarily by the liberals themselves) and the need for “structural market reforms” (by which we mean the destruction of the country in the style of the 90s), as far as one can judge, only cover up the categorical demand to abandon the remaining crumbs of state regulation economy and finally remove from the state any substantive obligations to society.

Yasin, the author of the immortally cynical formula about privatization “nothing was taken away from you - you never had anything,” melancholy notes the need to “cut public sector employees” due to the fact that the state will “lose the resources” that allow them to support them.

At the same time, Yasin calls the monstrous tax system, which ensures the maximum tax burden on wages for poor Russians and has turned the country into a tax paradise for billionaires, “one of the best tax systems in the world with moderate rates,” which does not even need to be “touched.”

VAT, the collection of which is accompanied by monstrous criminal excesses (such as the concentration of all added value in fly-by-night companies, apparently created with the participation of officials), is considered by the liberal guru to be “the most successful discovery of the reformers” - along with a flat income tax scale.

Yasin considers proposals to return Russia to the fold of world civilization in the tax sphere (since a progressive income tax scale is used in all developed countries) “illiterate”: after all, rich Russians, unlike residents of the rest of the world, will immediately begin to hide their income, and what they control the government won't do anything about it. At the same time, he touchingly does not object to progressive taxation of property, in the heat of protecting the interests of the richest part of society, without noticing the obvious contradiction of his position.

Yasin crystal-clearly formulates the main directions of the liberal offensive against Russia. Oddly enough, development in his view requires, first of all, not the restoration of controllability of the economy and the modernization of the federal infrastructure, but, on the contrary, all-round decentralization.

Yes, with the concentration of resources in the center, the current bureaucracy has gone too far, but to claim, following the gurus of modern Russian liberalism, that the regions should develop production and support business first of all, means deliberately and purposefully destroying the integrity of the country.

Fairly recognizing that the future of Russia (as well as the whole world) is determined by science, education and innovation, Yasin fundamentally ignores the fact that advanced science in our country, thanks to the efforts of liberals, was preserved mainly in the military-industrial complex, and calls for a decisive choice between financing the latter and financing science. Thus, under the guise of the correct idea about the development of science, education and innovation, the destruction of the last surviving centers of advanced scientific schools is, in fact, being pushed through.

This Jesuitical logic is a real threat to the entire future of our country - no less terrible than the actions of the Bank of Russia.

At the end of October, he again, as in March, sharply raised the interest rate, raising it immediately by 1.5 percentage points (to 9.5% per annum - so that it was not lower than the officially expected inflation). As experience shows, this does not in any way restrain the rise in prices (determined by the behavior of the monopolies, and not the Bank of Russia), but again contributes to an increase in the cost of credit and has a retarding effect on the economy, which is already close to recession. Even according to the officially optimistic forecasts of the Bank of Russia, economic growth will be close to zero both in the fourth quarter of this year and in the first quarter of next year - also thanks to its efforts.

The heads of the Bank of Russia consistently abdicate responsibility for its natural sphere of competence - the stability of the foreign exchange market - replacing it with responsibility for inflation, to which they have no direct relationship (simply because price increases, as the monstrous experience of the 90s proved, are determined by first of all, by the arbitrariness of monopolies, and not by the dynamics of the money supply).

However, illiteracy helps to act decisively. The Bank of Russia introduced a system of automatic foreign exchange interventions and changes in the currency corridor depending on the balance of supply and demand, which made its actions absolutely predictable for speculators and completely made its presence in the foreign exchange market meaningless, turning it into simple financing of speculative attacks on the ruble.

Suffice it to say that since the beginning of the year, the reduction in the country’s international reserves (by more than $70 billion) was entirely due to the currency interventions of the Bank of Russia, which were simply pumped into the pockets of players undermining the ruble, and according to algorithms known to them in advance.

Having made the Bank of Russia’s intervention in the game of market and speculative forces in the foreign exchange market meaningless through the introduction of an extremely formalized algorithm, its leaders, from a formal point of view, are now quite logically insisting on a complete cessation of the state policy of stabilizing the foreign exchange sector.

What this means for a country in which the currency corridor moved upward more often than every other day in October alone, and rising prices create a real threat to political stability, is clear: the liberals, in all likelihood, intend to ensure the overthrow of Putin by organizing currency chaos.

Key: reformatting the state

It is impossible to disrupt the course taken (perhaps unknowingly) by the liberal clan to force a socio-economic crisis for a change of power and the complete subordination of Russia to global business (which will mean its rapid destruction) within the framework of the model of the ruling bureaucracy created in the early 90s as an instrument of robbery of the country. basically. After all, this course follows from the very essence of this model and is its natural, albeit belated (due to the scale of the Soviet legacy and the amazing patience of the Russian people) completion.

To change course and avoid disaster, it is necessary to change the very nature of the state: to put it at the service of the people, and not the self-interest and ambitions of various oligarchs.

This is possible not only as a result of the revolution, but also, for example, due to the ruling elite’s awareness of their doom (including physical) if today’s policies continue, dooming Russia to collapse into a systemic crisis. The examples of Milosevic, Hussein, Gaddafi and Assad, who is still alive, seem increasingly convincing in this regard.

Urgent normalization measures

First of all, it is necessary to remember that the state (in particular, the budget) exists for citizens, and not citizens for the state. It is necessary to realize the right to life—to guarantee a real living wage for all Russian citizens. This will require an increase in annual expenditures of budgets at all levels by approximately 600 billion rubles. per year, which can be obtained by limiting corruption and confiscating corrupt funds, and, in extreme cases, by accumulating budget reserves (more than 8.5 trillion rubles).

Guaranteeing a real subsistence minimum (and for families with children, a social minimum), differentiated by region (depending on different price levels, natural, climatic and transport conditions while ensuring the same social standards and living conditions in general) will provide an objective basis for the entire policy of interbudgetary relations. It will make it possible to stop the chaos and corruption in this area, since throughout the 2000s, regions have been receiving assistance on the principle of achieving the “average temperature in the hospital,” that is, approaching the average Russian level, divorced from any objective criteria.

The fundamental question of the survival of not only Chinese, but also Russian statehood is the suppression of corruption. The thief should be in prison, not in the government (although representatives of the liberal clan interpret this as a call for Stalinist terror), and the loot he has stolen should be returned to the people. To liberate the Russian state from the captivity of total corruption, it is first of all necessary to introduce the principle of “presumption of guilt” in case of discrepancies between official income and expenses in the families of officials and to abolish the statute of limitations for corruption crimes.

It is important to establish that documentary evidence of a corrupt official’s guilt (audio and video recordings) gives courts grounds to place people in custody to avoid pressure on the investigation (today, corruption is not considered a serious crime, so the accused are not detained and can influence the course of the investigation, including by retroactively correcting job descriptions assigning them the right to make corrupt decisions.This leads to the reclassification of corruption into fraud and leads to the issuance of a suspended sentence, or even to the return of the bribe-taker to his workplace.

It is necessary to establish (following the example of Italy) that the bribe-giver, in case of cooperation with the investigation, is exempt from liability (this places all responsibility on the organizer of corruption - the official - and deprives victims of corruption of incentives to protect him).

It is necessary to introduce (following the example of the United States) complete confiscation of even the assets acquired in good faith (except for those necessary for a modest life) of families of members of organized crime (including corrupt officials: corruption of power is always associated with the mafia) who do not cooperate with the investigation.

Following the example of such different countries as Belarus, Moldova and Georgia, it is necessary to expel from the country all “thieves in law” who have not been convicted of crimes.

It is reasonable to establish that those convicted of a corruption crime are deprived for life of the right to hold government and leadership positions, conduct any legal activities, be elected to elected positions at all levels, and teach social sciences.

Finally, all public administration should be transferred to an electronic decision-making system (implemented in a number of international and even Russian companies), providing instant decision-making and dispute resolution, but most importantly, allowing for end-to-end control that is invisible to the person being audited.

To limit the arbitrariness of monopolies, it is necessary to transform the Federal Antimonopoly Service (FAS), in terms of its significance and powers, into an analogue of the KGB in the economic sphere and give it the right to ensure transparency of the price structure of natural monopolies and all firms it suspects of abusing their monopoly position.

If the price fluctuates sharply, it should have the right to first return the price to its previous level and only then investigate the validity of its change, regarding the refusal to sell products at this price as a criminal offense (following the example of Germany).

Russian producers should be provided with free access to city markets, if necessary, by law enforcement agencies and special operations to clear the way for free competition from mafia opposition.

Following the example of Italy, the creation of chain hypermarkets should be prohibited wherever regular stores can operate. At the same time, regional authorities should have the right to establish a minimum share of regional products in the assortment of chain stores.

It is necessary to provide businesses and citizens with free, and when this is impossible for technical reasons, equal access to the services of infrastructure monopolies.

Tariffs for products and services of natural monopolies, housing and communal services, and urban transport should be frozen for three years. Conduct a thorough analysis of their costs, by reducing theft, using advanced technologies and improving the quality of management, within a year, reduce tariffs for housing and communal services by at least 20%, and tariffs for electricity and gas prices on the domestic market - by at least 10%. .

It is necessary to compensate from the local budget (if there is a lack of funds in it - from the regional budget, if there is a lack of funds in it - from the federal budget) the costs of citizens for housing and communal services calculated according to social standards (including housing tax and rent, including social housing), exceeding 10% of family income.

The development of Russia is impossible without reasonable protectionism (at least at the level of the European Union): after all, everything that we do with our hands, China does cheaper, and often better than us. If we want to have jobs, we must follow the example of developed countries, most of which, without admitting it, are increasing protectionism in the face of a global crisis.

The weakness of market incentives will force us to combine protectionism with forcing enterprises to make technological progress, first through civilized methods (through the introduction of new standards), and in case of misunderstanding, through administrative methods.

If it is necessary to increase the number of employees or create production of goods that are produced in the world by less than three independent producers (this is a condition of economic security), and the reluctance of private business to solve these problems, it is necessary to create state-owned enterprises to solve the corresponding problems (in case of their non-strategic nature, for subsequent privatization).

It is necessary to free small businesses from administrative oppression. Enterprises with less than 20 employees (in agriculture - less than 50 employees), not engaged in financial transactions, consulting, foreign trade, resale and other potentially speculative activities (or receiving annual income below a certain threshold level), must for 5 years completely be exempt from all types of taxes and obligatory payments. This will completely eliminate the possibility of tax terror and qualitatively expand self-employment opportunities.

Free occupation of empty agricultural land is necessary. Any citizen of Russia should receive the right to occupy abandoned agricultural land (up to 1 hectare per family). Upon processing, it must be issued as a free long-term lease; upon continuous processing for 10 years in a row, it must be transferred into ownership.

Accounting and tax accounting should be combined, as is done throughout the world. All regulatory documents related to taxation must be simplified and made understandable to the average citizen, so that small and medium-sized entrepreneurs can maintain accounting records without the help of specially trained accountants and financiers.

The described transformations will partly become the foundation for a comprehensive modernization of the technological infrastructure, and partly should be worked out in its process and on its projects.

Modernization should be carried out at the expense of the accumulated reserves of the state (more than $180 billion can be used safely for currency stability), and in terms of guaranteed profitability projects (for example, housing and communal services in large and medium-sized cities) - at the expense of the savings funds of the pension system.

The main instrument for financing modernization should be the transition from issuing rubles depending on the volume of foreign currency earned or borrowed by the country (which hinders development and makes it unjustifiably dependent on external conditions), to issuing rubles for circulation in accordance with the needs of the economy, as is happening in developed countries. This will require the restoration of project financing mechanisms, separation of investment capital from speculative capital and currency regulation, but will ensure the country’s confident development even with scarce resources. (We should not forget that during Stalin’s reign, 47 thousand factories were built in the Soviet Union - approximately 2 thousand factories per year, which exceeds the current pace by two orders of magnitude).

Comprehensive modernization of infrastructure will radically reduce the costs of the economy and the expenses of citizens and, by creating huge domestic demand, will qualitatively improve the business climate and strengthen the work motivation of the population.

Women's portal Fleurot